Apartheid's Genocide On Children: Killing of African South African Kids from 1985 & Beyond-Apartheid's Youngest Victims
Killing Children and limiting Population Growth
Setting Up The Apartheid Killing Squads
In his book, Unfinished Business" he wrote with Dumisa Ntsebeza, Terry Bell issued this advise: "So, in a matter in which the victimized poor seek to get the beneficiaries of Apartheid to be held to account for their unjust enrichment through apartheid, a crime against humanity, it is the leadership of a democratic government [ANC] that seeks to protect the partner in crime of Apartheid from their day of reckoning. ... I would also hope that you join me in committing yourself to ensuring that the truth about South Africa and Apartheid - in a global and national context — is never buried and distorted."
Botha's strategy to shrink the population were not the ravings of a mad man, but a deliberate and conscious effort to bring Africans in South Africa to their knees. The Botha regime learned valuable lessons from the Student revolts of 1976, and they set out to do something about it. Even today, most Whites in South Africa often pretend to be shocked and amazed by the after effects of these atrocities and their aftermath on the present day African youth of South Africa.
The truth is that there has been a concerted effort to arrest, physically torture, psychologically terrorize, and harass children from a few months old to those in their late twenties by the Apartheid operatives. Most the Whites in South Africa did not and still do not understand and know their African neighbors and children and what has happened to them since 1976 to today.
What has been written by Africans about the horrid conditions they were surviving under Apartheid has been wiped out of the South African Historical Memory. So, many whites, in order to assuage their guilt, write on behalf of and for Africans what has happened to them during the Apartheid regime's's rule, exploiting the reality that most Africans have not been able to write about the hell they went through and are still going through under the new ANC government in South Africa.
Even during the rule of the ANC under Mbeki, and up to today, there is an unwritten law directed against Africans not say anything that will be perceived by these minions as being against the "People". There is even a term for those who are considered to be 'reactionaries' and 'anti-people' known as "Coping," named after the splinter ANC group which called itself "Cope". There has been a chilling effect on the intellectuals within South Africa to retreat from the social/political discourse in South Africa bout issues the African hold dear to their interests.
This works neatly for those Whites within South Africa who wish to see a divided African society and a silenced intellectual class, thus denying the go-ahead to voice out their displeasures and be able to highlight the ineptitude of the ANC, about the backwardness of the African masses.
These issues have been dealt with at length in my present hub "Cry the Beloved Peoples," and in this Hub we will be looking in a much in-depth manner through which the Boers carried out their Master Strategy of elimination children from 1985s, and the violence that has been visited upon the African people from 1985 to the Year 2000 onwards by the ANC.
JMCs and The Strategy to Win the Hearts and Minds(WHAM)
In democratic societies, ordinary people can express their political aspirations through the institutions of political society. When, however, an authoritarian state restricts democratic society's processes, the disempowered people tend to turn to social movements built within the civil society to express their political demands. Frantz Fanon put it this way:
"The oppressed cures himself of colonial neurosis... when his rage boils over, he rediscovers his lost innocence and he comes to know himself in that he creates himself." Within the Apartheid State, there were important differences of opinion on how to respond to the deepening 1976 crisis. The military's solution to these problems was the formulation of "Total Strategy". The Apartheid military justified this Total Strategy by arguing that South Africa was under "Total Onslaught"
The first and most important phase of Total strategy involved the dramatic reorganization of the pinnacle of state power. The second phase involved cutting down the number of state department from thirty-nine to twenty-two. And a new mega-department was created in 1982, namely, the Department of Constitutional Development and Planning under Minister Chris Heunis. The Third phase involved the ongoing process of rationalizing areas of authority.
The administration of Africans was spread across various departments. The Department of Constitutional Development and Planning emerged as the real power-center involved in managing African Affairs. However, its responsibilities were no longer defined in pure racial terms. By 1985, this department controlled a wide range of multi-racial structures including local authorities. This department also concerned itself with policies related to Homelands/Bantustans consolidation. (Hindson and Swelling)
Tightly tied to the office of the Prime Minister, was the security establishment, which became in effect, the institutional apparatus through which Botha consolidated his hold on State power. The security establishment at this time consisted of the following: the Department of Defense and the South African Defense Force(SADF; The Intelligence Services; the Intellectual community, based mainly at the Afrikaans Universities and organizations like the Institute for Strategic Studies at the University of Pretoria, and private concerns such as the Terrorism Research Center; Armscor(an arms producing cartel of the Apartheid regime); the South African Police.
The raison d'être of the State Security Council(SSC) was 'security,' defined so as to include economic, political, constitutional, ideological and welfare issues. The main objective of the government was to pull the state together into an efficient machine capable of synchronized action(Grundy)
The security establishment in South Africa came closer than any other institution to do this because of its internally tight hierarchy of command and its substantial resources that were mobile and deployable. In a word, what took place was the Militarization of the State and the Politicization of the Military.(Seegers)
What emerged was a dual state that rested on a hybrid of party government based on the parliamentary process, and a militarized state rooted in the security establishment. Furthermore, the politicized security establishment operated on the assumption that although it had the right to formulate state strategy and control 'order functions', reformist and welfare functions were required by definition, to be carried-out by civilians. Hence, critical and central importance was given to the Department of Constitutional Development and Planning. Its director, Chris Heunis,was presented with a mandate to carry out this reform.
The concept of Total Strategy had left many of the of Apartheid creations intact(such as Bantustans, Press control and constitutional exclusion of Africans from central government), but the state did introduce significant modification to some basic institutions of political society. In reality, however, what the White minority government was prepared to concede, fell too short of what the African majority was prepared to accept.
In the end, Total Strategy failed because its idealistic intentions were thwarted by a sustained period of African resistance. This resistance exacerbated and brought to the fore key structural contradictions which Total Strategy reforms had failed to address.
All these extensions and other reform program were ad hoc responses to the deepening crises and to pressures from political movements, business organizations, the International Community and Trade Unions. What was important about these shifts was that they unintentionally undid the existing policy positions without being coupled to a coherent set of alternatives.
The state was convinced that it was directly threatened with imminent revolution, and it turned to 'counter revolutionary warfare strategies' to resolve the general crisis. The strategies they used have been well articulated by McCuen in his book, "The Art of Counter-Revolutionary War".
Up until 1986, the reform initiative within the state lay in the hands of groups largely located in Minister Heunis's Department of Constitutional Development and Planning, the Department of Manpower, Finance and Foreign Affairs and the National Party itself. Popular protests, therefore, produced two responses with the state.
There were the 'political reformers' who believed that it was possible to extend the reform program and widen access points to political society. Then there were the 'Securocrats' who were straining to implement a counter-revolutionary program (Cawthra)
During the Period of April-May 1986, the reform division within the state emerged at a public level. Whereas Botha and the Security establishment were exhorting Total Strategy against Total Onslaught, maintaining the homelands, denying 'detention of political leaders', Heunis and the political Reformers were extending reforms and supporting negotiations between senior government officials and the ANC leaders in exile and in jail. Botha had previously stated that the 'suspension of violence' by the ANC was a sufficient precondition.
When the ANC indicated that they would accept the former, Botha and the military were stuck with the sudden realization that they had to make a choice: release Nelson Mandela and negotiate a transfer of power to a weaker ANC, or, re-establish control by crushing resistance in civil society, outlawing it in a political society, creating new social relations and promoting African leaders.
In choosing the latter option, the state put in application a 'counter-revolutionary strategy' which involved the imposition of the National State of Emergency and full scale activation of National Security Management System(NSMS) (Swilling and Phillips and the Washington Post, March 1985)
By mid-1986, political Reformists in the Department of Constitutional Development and Planning won-out. Instead of increasing functional specialization, the military began to train their officers to acquire expertise in internal security matters that were embracing all aspects of social,economic and political life. In fact, the decision to fight the battle through state institutions required a 'unified effort' of soldiers, policemen, politicians and bureaucrats.
What emerged was a highly centralized bureaucratic-cum military structure with the power and ability to coordinate the implementation of both security and political policies. Political society and the dual state remained largely intact even though the NSMS took direct responsibility for the formulation and implementation of all strategies with the common objective of winning the war.
The 'counter-revolutionary' theory that informed state strategy was based on the desire to "Win the Hearts And Minds" of the people — the so-called WHAM program. The fundamental difference between Total Strategy and WHAM was that the latter was no longer concerned primarily with restructuring the access points of political society. Instead, the emphasis fell on recasting the foundations of civil society so that political access points could at some future date be restructured in a way that did not threaten the system as a whole.
The lifeblood of the NSMS was the network of more than 500 regional districts and Joint Management Centers(JMCs). These brought together the military, police and civilian officials under the chairmanship of the ranking military officer. The JMCs interfaced with the public through the Joint Liaison Forums and Defense Manpower Liaison Committees(Delmacons) (Seegers)
JMCs were used by the state to rip communities apart, remove their leaders and put together the pieces in the image of the state. These repressive measures were complemented by the 'Reformists' dimension of state strategy. They have since been appropriated and recast by the 'counter revolutionary warfare' strategists. These security planners referred to this as 'soft warfare'. It consisted of the following:
1. Infrastructural Upgrading
200 Townships were earmarked for upgrading projects. The Directorate of Urbanization in the Department of Constitutional Development and Planning funneled R16 billion($7 billion) from the proceeds of privatization for socio-economic upgrading.
2. Housing Development
By way of special grants through the South African Housing Trust and National Housing Commission, the state, in conjunction with the private sector, embarked on the most extensive housing construction program since the 1950s.
3. Local Government Reform
Some corrupt local authorities were dismissed, and Regional Service Council introduced because African Township residents could no longer pay for rent and services.
4. Scrapping Influx Control
Millions of people who were previously excluded from the right to reside in urban areas could now do so, on condition they had access to employment and 'approved accommodation'.
5. Legitimation of State Structures
This involved massive expenditures on propaganda through Radio, TV and pamphlets to persuade people to pay rent, service charges and bus fares. Extensive campaigns were designed to criminalize popular organizations.
6. Populist Cooption in Squatter Camps
JMC officials realized that squatter camps provided invaluable opportunities for co-option. They bought co-option by granting local populist 'warlords' control over the allocation of resources and provided them with basic urban services.
7. The National Council
To carry through to higher levels of government the inclusions of africans, a National Council was formed. It was to hammer out a post-Apartheid Tricameral Constitution.
This meant a responsive version of inward industrialization based on wage freezes, deregulation of uncontrolled regional-metropolitan labor markets and reckless privatization. The State was making important concessions, but on its own terms, whilst popular leaders were in jail. (van der Merwe, 1988)
The concrete counter-revolutionary strategies pursued by the state since 1986 illustrated the dual security and welfare objectives. The repressive 'hard war' measures included the following: Press Restrictions, Mass Detention, Vigilante and Death Squad Activities, Forced Removals, Banning and Restricting Organizations and Activists, Evictions and Security Force harassment and the targeting of children. (Tomasseli, 1991)
Violence, Torture, Murder, and Psychological Abuse of Children
If there was one place where the debate over P. W. Botha's Constitutional Reforms seemed utterly irrelevant, that was Soweto, the vast Township located just outside of Johannesburg that is really one of Africa's largest cities. It holds more people than the entire nearby countries such as Botswana and Swaziland, perhaps now upward of 5 million plus people. Soweto epitomizes Apartheid's failure. By all evidence, the vast majority of the people who live there regarded themselves not as "temporary sojourners" in White South Africa, but as permanent city dwellers and original South Africans, and were confined to an area where they are doomed to receive minimal services and maximum harassment.
From the days of Apartheid up today under the ANC government, they demonstrate frequently and demonstrate that they do not accept the inferior system imposed upon them by the Afrikaner government and the ANC. For example, when the government regarded it as an important step toward self-management by urban Africans, and arranged for the people to hold municipal elections in Soweto in December 1983, fewer than a thousand people voted. When the effort fell flat on its face, the people of Soweto danced in the streets to celebrate the defeat of Apartheid and its selected puppets.
Until 1976, it was possible to believe that the South African government would be able to control the situation in Soweto indefinitely. But the student's revolution of 1976, in which tens of thousands were killed and injured, maimed and disappeared, this electrified Soweto and the place has never been the same since. The students' grievances were those against the instruction of their subjects in Afrikaans. This led to the explosion and war against the children because it was the children who were leading this revolution. Up to this point, the Whites in South Africa really did not know the people of Soweto or Africans throughout the whole of South Africa.
Even today, although many whites, talk and write about and on behalf of South Africans and their history or lives under Apartheid, they clearly do not now anything about the people. They write about their music, artists, history, crimes, accuse them about their culture, criticize them at any given opportunity, and they do so without really knowing much about Africans in South Africa. Whites in South Africa are guilty of killing and torturing a large swath of the African population, and now they want to assuage their guilt by preempting African South Africans by becoming their "Spokes-men and Spokes-women" on anything African because they have made the rest of the African population utterly poor and sick, and the Apartheid White benefactors remained filthy rich.
Therefore, when it comes to the Internet, few in the Ghettoes around South Africa own their own computers, save for the fledgling Internet Cafes sparsely dotting the ghetto landscape, so that, that's only when are the people able to have access to the Web. The fees for Africans to own their own internet are too exorbitant and people are too poor to pay for one on monthly basis.
As for Whites, they are so rich, they have now taken it upon themselves to tell the world about the people they have victimized, and in so doing, pick and choose all the narratives that put Whites in a "Good" light, and Africans as brutes, fiendish and immoral dim-wits who cannot even run a country, let alone take care of themselves, to the eyes of the world. For example, Baaskap is still prevalent in South Africa as of writing of this Hub, African Students have, again, failed their matriculation exams dismally in droves in the New Rainbow government of 'National Unity' run by the ANC.
The more things have changed at all in South Africa, the more they have steadfastly remained the same. Along with Afrikaans being taught as an overall subject in African schools, the above discourse is mostly part of what irked African students: the unbearable patronizing nature of Whites in all spheres of African life; pretentious and sneaky post-apartheid whites who are endeavoring to court International consent by exploiting the issues and lives of Africans through presenting them in a negative light, or picking and choosing what they want to highlight, irrespective of what Africans thought, did, or say about themselves.
And the insensitive and corrupt ANC-led government which is still enjoying themselves abroad the never-ending gravy train since their being in power in 1994. This leads us now to the crux of the matter at hand, the abuse of children under apartheid in their own words and experiences.
See the picture gallery for this part about Apartheid.
Just like the Jews said about Hitler's concentration Camps, "Never Again," so are the Africans saying, "Never again and the truth about Apartheid and its minions shall out and liberate them." At present, Africans are saying to the ANC, "Sekwanele" (enough is enough), and they(ANC) seem to be arrogant and not listening to the African people.[They paid dearly for this in t their losing the 2016 Local Elections]
The Apartheid Child Meat Grinders
Children Killed by the Apartheid Regime in the Streets
As the unrest flared up in every part of the country, for the first time there were doubts about whether the White regime, even with the extraordinary force it had at its disposal, would be able to bring the situation under control. South Africa's formidable military machine came to be required almost full-time to help suppress domestic protest, despite an increase of 25 per cent in recruitment into the police force. Fearful and frustrated over the growth of violence, and pressure from the Verkrampte right, Botha imposed a State of Emergency and under it he gave the police and the military unrestricted power and authority to act when and where they pleased.
Under the new curfew laws, thousands of people identified as the opponents of the regime were arrested without charges and detained with a naïve perception that they could be taken out of circulation and peace could be achieved. As the state of emergency wore on, the daily death toll rapidly increased, and repression began to happen, and their legitimacy(Apartheid's) was scoffed-at by the world, and they were labeled a 'pariah,' which stuck with them until their ultimate fall from power.
It is also widely known that the police, when sweeping through some African townships, arrested young children who refused to end their school boycotts and return to classes; in some cases, their parents had to search frantically for them in jails and they plead for their release. The lawyers committee for Human Rights, Black Sash and the Detainees Parents Support Committee charged that thousands of children have been killed, injured, maimed and left psychologically deranged at the height of the state of emergency.
Some students and children suspected of throwing stones at official vehicles, were pursued with sjamboks (Metal-tipped whips) and badly beaten and tortured(See photos in the photo gallery); children who tried to run away from the confrontations with the police were randomly shot at, often from behind. With the government's unwitting assistance, an entire new generation of African South Africans was either wiped out or radicalized. And many children out of school, most of them went into exile and joined the ANC, PAC and Black Consciousness movements.
For the whole of 1985 and onwards, thousands of people had been killed and all were Africans. The violence came with intensified opposition and escalating discontent and civil unrest within the African community within the Townships. (The Townships were segregated residential areas set side under the policy of Apartheid for African residents). They were particularly isolated from the 'privileged white areas' and many had only minimal or no facilities in the way of water, electricity, sanitation and other amenities — one can also see the place where the Semenya girl was born and raised, dilapidated and very poor area, even today in the days of ANC rule).
The 1985 State of Emergency imposed on African Townships was ruthless and crushed all opposition, suppressed dissenting voices, and barred the media from reporting what was going on. This particular State of Emergency lasted for eight months as happened in Soweto in 1976, infants, babies[were killed], children and young people in the township were at the forefront of protests and were on the receiving end of apartheid repressive juggernaut. Far from being spared the brunt of repression, babies, children and young people(teenagers) and others, were targeted and singled-out as special target of state-sanctioned violence. Here are some incidents that need to be considered, remembered and known:
- Joseph was a shy, quiet boy, only 14 years old. The fingernails of one of his hands were twisted and blackened as a result of electric shock treatment to which soldiers subjected him many times during the day he was kept, along with other children, at an army camp outside Daveyton. His wrist was scarred where he was burned with a cigarette lighter. His leg bears a wound where it was cut by soldiers with a broken soda drink bottle. Joseph was blindfolded when he was first picked up by the soldiers on September 19, 1985, while playing football and does not know exactly where the camp was. For nine days, the soldiers terrorized Joseph and other children they had picked up with him.
- Thirteen year old Moses Mope was on his way to church on October 21, 1985 with friends when a car pulled up beside the group. The children started to flee, but Moses was grabbed by a white policeman who savagely beat and trampled on the young boy. A neighbor took Moses home, covered with blood. 'When I touched his stomach, he pulled away in agony", his father told a reporter: "I also noticed his jaw was cracked and he was injured on the head and other parts of the body." Moses was only semi-conscious and died on the way to the hospital.
- Four years old Mitah Ngobeni was shot dead on September 10, 1985, by a rubber bullet while playing in the yard of her home in Attridgeville. Although rubber bullets are supposed to be non-lethal, Mitah died of skull and brain damage and excessive blood loss.
- In November 1985 a local resident had witnessed the deliberate shooting of 15 year-old Dominic Ntlemenza: "This boy was walking and then I saw the Casspir(Military Vehicle) come down the road. One policeman jumped off the Casspir and shot the boy. The boy tried to stand up and then they shot him in the head. Then they went away and they left the body there. There were no boys throwing stones next to the road. The boy, whose name I now know as Dominic, was alone."
- A mother in Crossroads last saw her 13 year old son alive when he left the house at 4:30 p.m. on October 7, 1985. It took days of searching before she found her son, shot by the police but no one had contacted her or her husband. She was unable to learn the circumstances of the shooting, but was horrified that the mortuary refused to hand over her son's clothing because they were too full of holes.
- In September 18,1985, the security forces opened fire on a crowd to disperse or kill them, and a ten year old girl was shot dead.
- Two babies were killed by tear gas in Mamelodi Township near Pretoria. On that day, 19 people were killed as a result of the police actions to disperse the women. Tear gas was fired into number of houses to "flush people out," and two babies later died in the hospital from the effects of the gas. One observer who was at the march explained: "Tear gas was fired directly inside the house and everyone had to hold a wet cloth over their face.
The mother, of one of the dead children, her name is Phephi, had a small baby only a few months old. The baby was badly affected by the gas and her eyes were streaming. The next day I heard that the baby had died.... The police countered that one of the babies, Trocia Ndlovu, had died from malnourishment and diarrhea.
- Parents whose children did not return home faced the uncertainty of not knowing whether the child had been arrested and hospitalized with injuries or already dead. Sixteen year-old Oscar left his house on the evening of October 5, 1985 to go to the movies. It was not until 6 a.m. the next morning that his father learned that Oscar had stopped at a house where a wedding was being held and that a policeman had opened fire on the guests. When the father got to the scene, he learned that his son was already dead. When the police sot at the wedding crowds, and everybody scattered, his son was shot in the back, fell face down, the police came over kicked the body until it turned over. When a wake and night vigil was held for him, the police came and fired at Oscar's house in the early hours of the morning, and another child was killed.
- On January 6, 1986, in Walmer Township just outside Port Elizabeth, a thirteen year-old girl died from a head wound inflicted by a tear gas canister fired by police when they attempted to disperse a crowd at a student rally. The child, Ntombekhaya Magubase, was on a shopping errand when she was hit by the canister that fractured her skull.
- Three students, including a teenage boy, were shot dead by police on March, 1986 as they waited with a large crowd of school children outside a White River magistrate court where a number of their fellow-pupils were appearing on charges of public violence. Because the children could not be accommodated inside the building, the police came and opened fire without provocation, and the shocked attorney,with the consent of the Johannesburg Bar Council said afterwards; "I feel it is my duty to make the following observations: "The crowd was not uncontrollable. I heard no order to disperse. I neither saw nor experienced any tear gas being fired. I saw nothing to justify the view that the shooting was the last resort available to the police."
Injuries of Children Caused by the Police
- In January 1986, a Cape Town Hospital confirmed that three children had been admitted and were paralyzed by gun shot wounds. The youngest was 12 years old. The mother of one of the boys stated that they had been shot by the police.
- Fourteen year-old Ernest was shot by the police on October 25, 1985, while visiting his aunts in Meadowlands, Soweto. He was standing in the yard when a police car drove past and police in plainclothes shot him. He was hit in the spinal cord, and is now permanently paralyzed from the waist down.
- Children get caught-up in deliberate cross-fires whenever in the streets and confrontation with the police occurred. Eleven year-old Peter spent four days in the hospital after he was shot on June 16, 1985 as he was waking to his sister's house: "I was walking along M. Street when I heard people chanting. I was approximately 30 meters away from crowd. I heard some shots, turned around and ran. I was shot and fell down. I tried to crawl away, two people unknown to me picked me up and took me to G's place. From there I was taken to Vryburg hospital."
- A young boy in Port Alfred was brutally beaten by police when they burst into a house in pursuit of rioters. The terrified child was hiding under a pillow. When the police found him, they dragged him outside and beat him, only releasing him when he pleaded that he was merely ten years-old. In one extreme case, in Port Elizabeth a father who was trying to protect his daughter by restraining them from hurting her, the police shot him dead on the spot.
- Thirteen year-old Sipho was walking home from the shops on September 30, 1985 when he noticed the police chasing some boys. Not wanting to get caught up in the chase, he ran into a nearby house to hide. When they saw him run away, the police followed him and put him in their van, where they beat him. According to a statement taken by the unrest monitoring group of the Progressive Federalist Party: "In the van the police beat Sipho, kicking him with their boots on the legs and in the stomach, while Sipho was half-lying on the bench inside the van. The police also beat Sipho on the front of the body with Sjamboks.
One of the policemen squeezed him around the neck as if to strangle Sipho. A Sjambok was also used to pull Sipho's head back by pulling it across his open mouth. The police pushed Sipho out of the moving van some distance away from home. Some neighbors found him and he was taken to hospital with an ambulance, where he underwent surgery.
- On October 3, 1985, another 15 year-old boy in Nyanga was picked up at the place where he was working. The police were looking for some kids they were chasing. They asked him where the other boys were, and when he could not answer, they 'sjamboked' him and threw him inside their van. Inside the van the police closed all the windows and put on tear gas masks. They shot off a tear gas canister while they were hitting him. They also made him drink some foul tasting liquid which was presumed to be urine from a small plastic juice bottle.
- Michael, who was only nine years old, went with some friends to watch a burning van that had been set alight near his home. On their way there, they saw the police, who came for them. As they fled, Michael was shot in both legs and ran into a neighbor's yard. The soldiers followed him, hit him and asked why he had run away. Eventually they left him and drove away.
- A 12 year old child, while on an errand was shot by the police even when he had fallen in October 1995. Doctors in a clinic in Crossroads treated the boy for gunshot wounds. The doctors said that the boy could not have been shot running away, but while lying on the ground. The boy said that when he was running away from the police, he fell whilst trying to climb a wall, after which the police came and shot him in both legs. He was later charged with public violence by the police.
- Zwakhe, aged four years, was shot as he was standing with his parents on a street corner near his house. A wedding was in progress and the excitement of the crowd attracted a policeman, who opened fire at random. Zwakhe's mother said:"My husband was shot with birdshot in both legs. I was shot in my leg and my right breast and I lost consciousness. My son was shot in the foot, the thigh and in his forehead. I was eight months pregnant at the time. The policeman came and apologized. He said he would "stand for everything." We went to the hospital three times. They could take out the stitches in his forehead because the wound was sceptic." Mrs. M. who gave birth to her baby prematurely shortly after the incident, explained that her on was now frightened and refused to play outside.
- A sixteen year-old in Cradock, the Cape, was grabbed by two police men, and they pushed him to run. As he ran, the policemen shot him and wounded him in the buttocks. The policemen came and pulled him with his legs and threw him into hippo(name for a military vehicle), and took him to hospital and kept him under 24 hours watch, accusing him of being a ringleader in the Township.
- Chantal was 17 years old, when she was arrested in Cape Town on September 24, 1985 after being stopped at a roadblock. She believes she was singled out because she was a member of the Student Representative Council at her school. She described how she was humiliated during interrogation at the police Station. Ten males and one female were present: "[A policeman] smacked me from behind on the rear right hand side of my neck. I grabbed hold of the desk to prevent me from falling over.
Everybody laughed about what had happened while the questioning continued... the short man smacked me on my right ear so that I almost fell to the ground and another 'White man' smacked me on the left hand side of my face ... [T]he short man put both his hands around my throat and lifted me off the ground. He choked me in that position (i.e., feet off the floor) for about two minutes afterwards he threw me on the ground. I fell on my back. The rest of the people cheered and laughed and one of the men hugged the short policeman. ...
[Two others] then pulled me by my hair about five times while I was questioned and while answering. ... A tall man was hitting continuously, hitting me with his fists on my back. ... [The short policeman] then smacked me against my right ear again. I was then feeling dizzy, my ear was "singing." The short man then hit me with his fist in my right eye. Everyone was then laughing and enjoying themselves. I told the person who was questioning me to tell them to stop hitting me because I thought that they were going to kill me....Some of the policemen regarded their duties as a kind of sport.
Children in the Hospital Being Arrested by the Police
Children shot in the face faced the risk of arrest if they sought medical treatment. As a result, although swift medical treatment may have been vital for the child's survival after being shot, many parents were now afraid to take their injured children to hospitals for treatment.
- 12 years old Mirriam was shot on June 17, 1985 returning from the shop with a loaf of bread. She saw a large group of boys and girls running in all directions, and they told Mirriam to run because the police were coming. She could not keep up with the others, and she fell behind: "I saw a while policeman come out of a house I was running past. He had a long gun .... I was alone in the street and ran faster, still holding the bread. I did not hear any call from the policeman.
As I reached the corner of 5th Avenue, I heard one bang and felt a terrible pain, but I was conscious. I felt the pain was in my back and saw my hand was bloody. The policeman did not pursue Mirriam, after he shot her. Her neighbors called her father who took her to the hospital. Once at the hospital, Mirriam was formally arrested and kept under police guard. She spent a month in hospital, then the police moved her to court and was charged with violence and stone throwing, a charge she denied. Without any legal representation, she was sentenced to five years' suspended imprisonment. The bullet was lodged in her back and the doctors told her that they could not remove it otherwise she would be paralyzed for life.
- Sixteen year-old Zisamile Mapela died in Soweto on August 3, 1985 from gun shot wounds. Police fired after a stone was thrown at their armored vehicle, and Zisamile was hit. His father did not dare take his son to the hospital because he feared Zisamile would be arrested. A local doctor stitched the wound but could not remove the bullet. The next day the boy's eyes seemed strange and he complained of feeling unwell. Hours later, he was dead.
- A doctor at a hospital in the Eastern Cape described how he tried to safeguard patients brought to him with gun shot wounds and other unrest-related injuries by keeping records that did not reveal the exact nature of their injuries. Police would walk in at any time through Casualty. At one point they installed a permanent booth outside the entrance to the Casualty Department and the hospital looked more like a military camp with police everywhere. They all carried guns and it created an atmosphere of great fear and tension so that people were afraid to come for help.
The nurses were instructed to keep a list of everyone with a bullet or gun-shot wounds and copy of the list went straight to the police. Hospital administrators claimed they were legally bound to do this. This went on to the up until the 1990s. Once the police arrested someone who required hospitalization, they kept an armed guard by the bed day and night. Patients were sometimes handcuffed to their beds, even the ones who were so sick they could never escape.
A health spokesman to the Eastern Cape Provincial Council in May 1985, said that 47 patients were held under police or prison guard at eight different hospitals in the Eastern Cape between November 1984 and February 1985. Four of them , aged between 17 and 35, were restricted with leg irons and nine others were handcuffed to their beds. Fifteen of them were aged 18 or younger; the youngest patient under guard was only eight years old.
Police Attack and Patrol Funerals
- Funerals had become the occasion for police harassment and brutality. And these funerals for unrest victims were attended by thousands of people and often resembled political rallies where people came together to express their grievances and anger. The residents ignored the State of Emergency imposed on them by the government and the security forces took it upon themselves to break up the funeral crowds, and children were frequently caught up in these confrontations.
- In Mzinoni Township on August 27, 1985 at the funeral of Mpopi Sam Nhlanhla who was shot dead by the police, became a seriously sad scene when the police came and beat up everyone attending the vigil. They whipped everyone with sjamboks. Somo Vilakazi, a 15 year old girl was asleep when the police assaulted everyone, and when the policeman saw her, he kicked her in the mouth resulting in her losing five teeth. Another girl, Gugu Shabalala was whipped across the face and at least ten other sustained eye injuries as a result of the beatings.
- Nombulelo aged 15, was among four busloads of mourners on their way to a funeral in White City, Soweto on January 1986 when the buses were stopped at the cemetery entrance by the police: "A land rover with sneezing Gas appeared and released the gas into the buses .... [W]e tried to get out of the bus, we then broke the windows and went out. We ran to the nearest houses ... the police then appeared and chased me. He caught me and threw me to the ground and beat me and kicked me."
- Petros who was 15 in August 3, 1985, got the similar experience and treatment when he was leaving the cemetery after a funeral: "While the buses were moving towards the Molele home, our bus was stopped by a hippo and policeman boarded it .... They asked all older people to alight and told us they found petrol bombs and huge rocks on the bus. The started to beat us with their guns, sjamboks and batons. I was injured on the left knee and left knuckle with the butt of a gun .... All of us were beaten up including the girls .... [W]e were not arrested or charged.
- 16 Years old Amos attended the same funeral. Afterwards he went to the bereaved family's house for some refreshments: "While we were eating a lot of policemen arrived in hippos and a land rover and started shooting tear gas canisters at us outside in the yard. We ran outside into the street and then I ran to someone's house. I was followed by two black policemen but while I was still outside the yard at the house they started beating me with sjamboks on my legs, my back and my head and through my face .... I became unconscious.
- In October 1985, Lawrence Cindi who was 15 years old was shot dead by the police attending a vigil for a young school friend of his, Mandla Radebe, who was shot by the police a few days earlier. Lawrence and a few of Mandla's friends were in the yard of Radebe's house when three police vehicles drove by. The police fired tear gas and bullets, and Lawrence was fatally shot in the head. At Lawrence's vigil, the police arrived and broke up the crowd of mourners, brutally whipped them with sjamboks and arrested many of them.
The Incident of the "Trojan Horse"
- In Athlone ,Cape Town on October 15, 1985, an incident provoked country-wide outcry that was known as the "Trojan Horse", and it involved a deliberate and wanton ambush by the police. This is what happened: The township atmosphere had been tense on that day, and some children had been throwing stones and setting up barricades and the police disguised their entry into the township by hiding behind crates in a delivery van, knowing there will be stone throwing. As the van drove into the townships, before the residents realized what was happening, the police started shooting wildly from their hidden positions on the truck.
In one home alone, one boy was killed, and seven other were shot, and none of these children were involved in stone throwing. The family where one boy was killed, had brought in the children into the house. One child wanted to return to his home, as he opened the door, followed by four others, the police at that time opened fire aiming at the house, and one adult narrated the incidence as follows: "Two-seconds after the door opened, the police started shooting. I saw a yellow truck with boxes in it and I realized the police were hiding behind the boxes and shooting."
They were aiming straight at the open door. It all happened very quickly. As I tried to shut the door, I was shot in the shoulder. Two of the younger children were cowering on the bed just inside the door. Andrew(aged 7) was shot in the arm, leg, chest and hip. Thabo (age 10) was shot through his leg and thigh. Michael (16 years) was shot under one arm four times. Jerry, aged 16, was one of the children who had gone outside. He came crawling back inside on all fours and we didn't realize it then, but he had been shot in the head. He staggered into the room and collapsed on a bed where he died seconds later.
A nine-year old child who had been playing in the street with his bicycle was also shot dead. I slammed the door shut but four of the police came to the house and kicked it open .... They dragged Jerry's body roughly off the bed and across the floor. They tried to drag another child out too, but my mother pleaded with them to wait until his father came .... Another child outside who was terrified told the police that I was his mother so that they would let him come inside.
They told him that if he came in, he must not say anything about what he had seen. Then the police went around the house and picked up all the shot pellets and left. The police continued to come back to the house and harass the family. Two children, aged six and nine were hysterically afraid whenever they saw a policeman near the house that one family member said: "It was as though they used the house for target practice. It was so deliberate. We can patch up the house, but we can never patch up all the children who were shot."
The SADF Abuses against the Children
During the state of emergency there was an increasing number of serious abuses by the army units deployed in the townships to assist the police. These mostly White young conscripts were part of the army's display of power and determination to crush all opposition by the use of force. The soldiers maintained a campaign of terror on their own initiative and frequently acted without regard for the law… They took their victims into an open 'veld'(field) outside the townships or held them inside their armored vehicles, and this indicated that the soldiers were aware that they were acting extra-judicially.
They would pick up the children in the street and hold them for many nightmarish hours. Because children are not formally arrested, there are no statistics that can be gleaned. The Detainees Parents Support Committee(DPSC) says that the army's abuses were very serious and widespread, as we have noted in the cases above, even the Human Rights communities were not really aware of… so that, too many children who were afraid of the SADF were too scared to come forward and tell of their abuses.
- The few who spoke, like 17 year-old Siphiwe, who lived in Soweto, related what happened to him on October 9, 1985 when soldiers came into his house and dragged him outside, slapped him in the face and forced him to run along the streets followed by the Casspir: "They told me not to speak to anyone as they would let me go and then shoot me. They made me sit on the floor. There were about 8 soldiers in the Casspir. One soldier ... asked me to give name and addresses of COSAS members(COSAS was a broad-based student organization, and was banned). I could not as I did not know any.
They then put a perfume like stuff on my hands and inhale it. It made me dizzy, they poured it on my hair ... [and one] held a cigarette near me. The Casspir stopped at a circle in White City(Soweto). A number of other Casspirs also stopped and a soldier form one of the Casspirs came to our Casspir. He started beating me with his fists and my mouth and nose were bleeding. A number of soldiers were kicking me back and forth between them. They then pulled my hair and someone else was stamping on my stomach.
As one of the soldiers hit me, I ducked and when he hurt his hand against the Casspir, he made me lick the blood off his hand. I tried to hide behind one soldier, but he took his rifle and hit me on my face with the rifle butt. Another stamped on my neck while I was on the floor of the Casspir, and another one of the soldiers also poured water up my nose while another held my head back by my hair(water-boarding)? In the end, the soldiers knew that they could not take him to the police station, so they "threw him out of the moving Casspir onto the road, where Siphiwe was picked up by two men and took him home."
- Another 17 year-old boy was picked up in Diepkloof (Soweto) on October 23, 1985 by soldiers and taken to a remote "veld"(field) beyond the township, and asked him if he was a member of COSAS. The boy described his abuse as follows: "One beat me with his fists and bent my thumbs back They made me sit on the ground with my legs stretched out in front of me apart. One soldier sat on each leg and they bent my fingers. One pushed his two fingers into my throat .... They kicked me on my back with their boots." Eventually the soldiers left they boy in the 'veld' and he managed to hitch a lift home, and the next day he was taken to a doctor for treatment.
- On December 2, 1985, a group of soldiers used tracker dogs to hunt for three boys who were hiding in a house in Dobsonville, Soweto. The boys had been visiting friends and ran away when they saw three Casspirs. They ran into a neighbors house where the third boy, fifteen years old Arthur, was asleep in bed. The soldiers got into the house, pulled him out of bed with his hair, beat him severely with their fists and rifle buts. The three were then thrown into the Casspir and beat them up some more.
The soldiers picked up two more boys, and all were taken into the "veld," and eventually six more Casspirs joined them, and the soldiers set the dogs on them, beat, kicked and 'sjamboked,' and they poured petrol over one of them and held a cigarette lighter near him. They tried to force them to tell them about the student organization, COSAS and the names of the people who had thrown petrol bombs. When the boys could not answer, they assaulted and whipped them again. Fifteen year-old Arthur was bitten and scratched by the dogs, and was so badly beaten so badly that eventually the soldiers took him to hospital for treatment. The soldiers in the end took him along with them and released him far from home about midnight.
Children were subjected to serious physical abuse by the soldiers who had set up their temporary barracks close to the townships. Some kids abducted by soldiers were kept there for several hours or days in detention.
- 12 year old Solomon was taken from his home in Soweto on October 21, 1985 at 2.30 am by five or six soldiers armed with rifles. The soldiers told his mother that they would take him to Orlando Police Station, but refused to tell her why. The family looked for him in several police stations, and could not find him. Finally, an SADF captain said that all children were being held at the base and would be taken to a police station later that day.
The police let him go and dropped him three kilometers from his home. At first Solomon did not say much about his ordeal but complained the next day of a sore throat. He finally told his mother that soldiers had grabbed him by the throat and choked him until he could not breathe.
He said he had been taken to the camp, beaten and forced to sleep outside on the ground without blankets or food. Solomon was released because his mother got an attorney who telexed the police Commissioner. Afterwards, the soldiers came and took Solomon in her absence and took him to Diepkloof prison(in Soweto), and released three days later.
- On September 19, 1985 while playing football, a shy fourteen year-old boy, Joseph, had finger nails of in one of his hand twisted and blackened, caused by the electric shocks he was subjected to many times during the days he was kept there, in a soldiers camp in Daveyton. He had a large burn mark where he was burned with a cigarette lighter, and he does not even know where the camp was. Joseph says that for nine days the soldiers terrorized him and that he and other boys were forced to get into a hole filled with sewage water up to their waist. "We were told by one of the White soldiers that we should force each other's heads down beneath the water. ...
"[At] times we were completely submerged beneath the water. I could not bear the filth that was in the water and consequently tried to climb out of the hole. One of the White soldiers who was standing next to the hole with a sjambok thrashed me a number of times. I started to scream .... [He] continued to thrash me so that I fell back into the filthy water." Joseph kept on trying to get out, and the soldiers finally took him into the van, and they whipped him for making the seat dirty. They showed him several photos of other children, and when he could not identify them, they tortured him. Joseph continued: "Another White soldier took my right arm and bent it behind my back.
"He then took out a lighter ... and he held it beneath the wrist of my right hand ... the pain was excruciating and I could smell my flesh burning. I screamed and felt faint from the pain. Soldiers then tied a wire around Joseph's right hand that was attached to a box with "a handle like a telephone handle". According to Joseph: "One of the soldiers turned the handle of this box a number of times and at the same time water was poured on my hand. I felt a tremendous shock and great pain."
The soldiers continued to turn the handle of the green box and each time my body would convulse with the electric shocks and explode from the water. In exploding, it ripped out my thumbnail and took a chunk of flesh out of my thumb quite close to the first digit. ... When the soldiers saw that my nail had been ripped out they took the wire from my thumb and tied it around my index finger just below the nail. They turned the handle and poured water and shocked me a number of times.
The pain was so intense that I almost fainted. I remember feeling dizzy and nauseous. They tortured me for the next seven days, kicked me, gave me electric shocks, and they cut my leg with a broken soda drink bottle. We were made to drink water from the sewage, slept outside on the ground, and one of the White soldiers spoke Zulu. Joseph was detained for another thirteen days and released to be examined by a district surgeon who said that the soldiers lied when they said his hands were burnt by a petrol bomb. After his release, the soldiers came to his home several times, and he has seen them on patrol in the township several times. He remained afraid that they would arrest him again and torture him.
Security 'Forces in the Schools
To enforce the restrictions of the state of emergency, both the police and the army units intensified operations in the schools. The security forces entered the classrooms, arresting pupils,harassing and arresting teachers, assaulting and 'sjamboking' students, throwing tear gas in the school grounds and classrooms, opening fire at random and generally maintaining a highly visible and intimidating presence. Anyone who tried to intercede on behalf of the students was labeled a 'sympathizer' and accused of encouraging students to protest. Teachers who did that were arrested and detained, which further inflamed the situation.
- On August 29, 1985, students in a Cape Town school saw the police launch a full-scale attack though there was no trouble at the school that day. Three plainclothes policemen fired rubber bullets on students preparing to leave school. A principal reported that as students came out of the classrooms to see what was happening: "Within fifteen minutes virtually the whole police force, or so it appeared, had cordoned off the school grounds, and viciously bombarded us with tear gas and rubber bullets.
The tear gas was so dense that, "Only the roof of the building was visible at one stage, and students sought refuge inside the school. When the police realized that they had us trapped like animals inside the buildings, they moved onto the grounds, smashed our windows, threw gas bombs inside the classrooms, wood work rooms and administration block .... Conditions inside [these areas] were like the gas chambers of Auschwitz." The principal tried to appeal to the police, and was nearly injured by a cop swinging his sjambok.
The gates were unlocked to allow the parents to come into the school to help carry outside all the children overcome by the tear gas fumes. Similar incidents took place at Vista High school in Cape town on September 3, 1985. The police fired shots over the heads of the teachers on the school grounds and two policemen burst into the school and pointed a gun threateningly at 20 teachers and students and said that he wanted to shoot them dead.
- On September 6, 1985, police launched an unprovoked attack on Lamontville High School in Durban wounding seriously 12 children, many afterwards needed hospitalization. This started at 9.30 am and 'sjamboked' the students, who tried to flee, and some of them were shot. The policemen told a staff member that they were doing it for law and order since the staff could not do it properly.
The staff member had to restrain a policeman by the collar who was beating a student lying on the ground bleeding from a gaping wound on the head. Phillip, aged 14, tried to hide in the kitchen, said: "Many policemen suddenly came into the kitchen and they were all dressed in blue ... and carrying sjamboks. they began hitting me and all the other children who were in the kitchen. I tried to run away, but they followed me to the staff room ... One began hitting me with a sjambok on my legs. I was so badly hurt that when the policeman stopped hitting me,I crawled to the staff room and hid there."
- Some children were injured when they jumped from the second floor of the school building to escape the police. One student described how he was beaten until he managed to barricade himself in a classroom: "The police came inside with whips and sjamboks .... I got into the classroom and jumped from a window two stories to the ground. I hurt my ankle badly. When I got up from the ground, a lot of police were around, one started hitting me with a sjambok. I tried to escape ... and another policeman hit me with a whip. I was hit on the arm and thigh. I managed to get into the classroom where I barricaded myself in with desks across the door.
- The policemen shot children to try and stop them form running away. The boy the staff member protected explained before he lost consciousness: "Some tear gas had been thrown in the school grounds. I could smell it and see the smoke. ... I saw the police chasing pupils in the school grounds. I then jumped out of the window because I felt I would be cornered if I remained in the classroom .... One of the policemen shouted that if I kept on running away he would shoot me. Suddenly I felt a bang on my head and I can't remember what happened after I lost consciousness.... [At the hospital] I had seven stitches put into the right side of my head."
Security Forces Terrorization of Children in Schools
- The police hit students in schools at random, lashing them across their faces, arms, thighs, legs, head and shoulders. A police spokesman defended their actions that those who started the violence should be cognizant of their lawless behavior. A pervasive pattern emerged of the terrorization of schools by the security forces during the State of Emergency in the Schools of South Africa.
- Police controlled the schools and they walked in at any time to check that a teacher was teaching the prepared classes. If a child was not in school by 8:00 a.m. he or she was immediately arrested. The police assaulted children whenever they caught them. Girls often got caught because could not run as fast. They were frequently beaten across the face and breasts.
- By mid-August  police were always coming into the schools and would shoot at random. Casspirs stood outside the road with a soldier reading out the boycott regulations through a megaphone.
- At one time the police tried to break up one march and blocked the route with Casspirs. Eight riot police came marching down the road towards the children carrying shotguns and whips. Half the children ran into a bog at the side of the road and many collapsed into the water from the effects of the tear gas. Others tried to run and were caught and viciously beaten.
- One riot policeman was seen shooting at two small children who were running away; he was aiming directly at them.
- The riot police and solders came and went from most schools constantly. They terrorized the children and threatened them with detention, torture and even sodomy [italics mine]. Some kids were scared to death, others were angry. The atmosphere was so tense and the teachers were caught in the middle. It was impossible to carry on classes under those conditions.
- The police were determined to prevent any kind of activity at schools that did not constitute class teaching of the approved curriculum. They always quickly moved in immediately to break up meetings or suspected gatherings. Two children were killed in a Port Elizabeth secondary school when police attempted to break up a meeting between staff and student representatives on July 24, 1985.
According to the teacher at the school, the meeting was already dismissed when the police arrived and scaled the school fence, threatening that they would control the children if the teachers could not. An argument ensued and the police started firing wildly. Many children panicked and tried to scale a fence, and two of them were killed. The teacher managed to persuade them to stay in the classrooms in order to avoid more casualties.
- Wynberg Secondary School in Cape Town had invited Graeme Bloc, a United Democratic Front executive member, to speak to the children. About 2000 pupils, aged 6 to 18 years and a number of teachers were present. Three policemen gave the principal 30 minutes to stop the meeting, which they said was a "political rally".
Graeme managed to speak for 10 minutes and the police became impatient and hustled Graeme out amongst scared but angry students. The police gave the students three minutes to disperse and threatened to fire if they did not. This was one of the very rare occasions no shooting took place. But the pupils were so angry and frustrated that they went into town and damaged several cars and shop windows.
- In Soweto, during the disturbances at an adjacent high school on August 25, 1985, police fired tear gas into the Entokozweni Early Learning Center in Soweto, where more than 100 infants aged six months to two years were attending. Many were knocked unconscious by the fumes, and others vomited. When the principal sought emergency assistance form the police for the badly affected children, the police told her to contact a hospital.
- Two days earlier, again in Soweto, police arrested 300 students, some as young as seven years old. The Star Newspaper asked a police Commissioner Brigadier Coetzee to comment on the fact that some of these children were only seven years old and the Star newspaper quoted him as saying that this was "quite possible".
Student Mass Arrests at Schools
The state of emergency regulations required children to stay within the school premises during specified hours… Yet a number of children said that they had been arrested inside the school grounds or outside at legitimate break-times or on their way from school going home after school had been dismissed.
The arrested school children were required to appear in court. One attorney said that while she was at the police station to negotiate the release of these children from custody on August 3, 1985, "[t]truckloads of other children began arriving. There must have been about 600 of them and some were very young. It was pandemonium, and the police would not let the parents through the gates so the parents were angry and many of the children were screaming and very upset."
- One teacher noted that the police and soldiers were heavily armed and he attempted to supervise the children to keep the situation calm. He said: "A soldier pulled me aside and told me to go away. As I walked away ... the soldier turned around and punched in the nose .... Children were being loaded into the trucks as they entered and removed from the school premises. When the last three trucks were to be loaded, police went to the classrooms to look for any children who might still be there.
These children were ordered by the police to leave the classrooms and to go to the trucks. Some of them were even carried out of the classrooms by the policemen and soldiers. When the parents wanted to take warm clothes to them, the police refused. The police told the parents and the lawyers that the arrests had been made because the whole was troublesome for the whole week… Major Kotze said that the children had not been charged, that they have been detained in terms of the emergency regulations .
He said that he was entitled to hold them for fourteen days and the order can be renewed. Parents and teachers were very angry at the police station. The police were not helpful and very aggressive to them, and the Divisional Commissioner told them that the children have been told to make the country "ungovernable" and he was not going to release them. The Supreme court ordered that the children should be released, and were released at 6:15 p.m. of the same day.
-Around mid-November, 1985, the end-of-the-year examination were due to take place, when the situation in the schools reached its point. After much terrorism in the schools by the army and the policemen, pupils who wished to write were not prepared to do so. The examinations went ahead under extremely tense and intimidating circumstances. Some students who wanted to write were taken to military bases to do so. Most students tore up their papers and others pretended to write but filled their papers with drawings, slogans or other senseless stuff. A teacher told reporters that:
"The police behavior was bizarre. They went through the classrooms,checked the scripts, not knowing what they were doing. Imagine writing an exam with a huge cop carrying a shotgun leaning over your shoulder checking what you are writing, especially when a week or two back the same cops were firing birdshot and tear gas at you and sometimes killing your buddies."
- One teacher said: "The exams are taking place under the most abnormal conditions one could find anywhere. Teachers and students were in detention, harassment of teachers and students continued without any break; there was no concern for the educational interests of the students, it was rather a matter of the authority of the State being forced onto the students. These exams were not part of an educational process, but part of a political power game."
Assault At the time of Arrest
Children continued to be arrested, assaulted and whipped badly by both the police and the army. Some were stopped in the streets and asked to give up names of the people that were wanted by the regime, if they did not provide the needed information, they were whipped and let go afterwards without any charges filed against them. For example:
- Martin and Steven were both arrested and accused of stoning a vehicle. Martin stated: "I was beaten with a gun butt on the mouth by a white policeman. Two of my front teeth were broken." According to Steven: They stated 'sjamboking' me all over the body. I fell down and they started kicking me all over while I was lying down. I stood up and he 'sjamboked' me on the left ear. I was bleeding profusely by then.
We were never taken to a doctor. Both were taken to a police station in Randburg, and were subjected to some more beatings, and Steven started to bleed on the his left eye. Children like Martin and Steven were abducted in the street and forced to confess to alleged confessions and to put them in writing. Their confessions were elicited through inadmissible confessions, and they were subjected to brutal interrogations inside police stations.
- JM(aged 17) said: S. Called me to his office. He asked me if I threw stones at SM's house, I said no, I was at home. S. punched me, left me in the office and called B. B. placed [a] white sack over my head and I was taken to another room. I was alone, tear gas [was] sprayed, and I screamed [and I was] taken out back to S.'s office. [I was] asked if I threw stones. I denied. S. put the sack on and I was shocked with electricity. I then agreed that I threw stones.
- AK (aged 17) narrated as follows: ... they put a sack on my face choking me and tear gassing to [get me to] admit that I stoned a house of M .... Then they forced me to admit and write a statement .... Mr., he handcuffed me on a seat and choked me until I admit[ted] this .... On the very same day, [the] 19th, we appeared at court with two white policemen who forced us to admit, we then admit[ted] only because those policemen were there....
JM(aged 17) said: They pulled me out of the van and took me to a room where they threw [sic] me and opened tear gas and closed the room. They opened tear gas three times after every 5 minutes. At 8 a.m. the same morning, I was taken to Mr. S. He cross questioned me and every time I was beaten up by the other white policeman. I was bleeding from the nose .... I was kept there till Friday .... I was told to go home .... [t]he white policemen told me that if they found me in the street or attending any meeting, they would shoot me and I'll be killed
- CC(aged 17) said: We were made to face the wall in the charge office ad repeatedly beaten with sjamboks. ... I was then interrogated alone and assaulted in the following manner: a. M. handcuffed me to a wooden chair; b. I was repeatedly assaulted with a sjambok and fists by three policemen.
The assault was furious. I had sjambok marks all over my body and was covered in blood. My forehead was swollen from where [I was struck] with a sjambok on my head. Because of my injuries, I was taken from [interrogation] room 9 and placed in a [van]. I could not walk to the [van] and had to be dragged. While I was in the [van], a number of other people were taken individually into room 9. I heard [them] screaming.
- RM(aged 15) recalled that while we were waiting [a policeman] licked me on the mouth; (another policeman) struck me with a wire coat hanger. He also pulled the coat hanger through my hair causing me considerable pain .... I was taken for interrogation. I was told to take off my clothes and I was asked questions .... I was assaulted ... as follows: a. the short policeman burnt my hair with a cigarette lighter; b. a tube was pulled over my mouth and I was electrocuted on my back; c. the short white policeman hit me with a hosepipe on my fingers.
Children have also been threatened with death. Abraham was one of those accused of burning a policeman, and they threatened to hang him in the cell until he died. Abraham said: I broke down and wept. I was then ordered to lie down spread-eagled and ... [a policeman] came in and put his foot on my genitals and said I should own up to the killing .... Then a [policeman] pointed a gun under my chin and said that if I didn't confess and identify others that he would kill me." Most of the kids who were arrested were not involved in incidents of the unrest.
Some "informers have later admitted that they gave any names they could think of because they frightened by what might happen to them if they refused. Sarah was arrested in Bellville on September 5, 1985, described such an experience: "We were taken to a room in the police station where all the police were drinking coffee. A policeman said that we should be given pages to write down the names of those who had thrown stones.
I was very afraid and began to write down any names I could think of. When I couldn't remember any more one policeman hit me hard with an orange sjambok. I was just putting down any names that came into my head because I was so afraid. They then asked who had been burning tires. I was told to give names and addresses .... [None] of the people I named had to my knowledge been involved in these offenses or anything illegal."
Wendy Orr was a district surgeon whose duties included the medical examination of emergency detainees. In her affidavit she pointed out that a large number of the detainees she examined complained of assault and showed symptoms consistent with their complaints. According to Dr. Orr: "They had weals, bruising, blisters over their backs and on the palms of the hands.Some had lacerated lips and the skin over their cheekbones was split."
Several had their eardrums perforated. Dr.Orr concluded that assaults of detainees were taking place on a "massive scale" and that the police, who were protected by the indemnity in the emergency regulations, considered themselves not accountable… Both the Departments of Health and Prisons turned a blind eye to what was happening in the prisons.
- Andrew, who was only 12 years old, was arrested on September 6, 1985 and detain in connection with the death of a black policeman in the Township. Andrew stated: "At the [CID] offices, I was assaulted by Constable Tswele and Constable Mgebuza, who struck me with clenched fists and kicked me.... I was assaulted by white policemen who beat me with a sjambok and cane on my back. I am unable to state how many blows were struck in that I was terrified .... I was not assaulted continuously, but at intervals."
- 16 years old Sukizani and Andrew were in the cells with four other detainees, three constables came into the cell with canes and a sjambok: "We were made to bend down and [were] caned on the buttocks.... We were also required to do exercises .... When we tired and were unable to do the exercises to the satisfaction of the aforesaid police, we were struck by means of the canes and sjambok... Constable Roberts struck me on the head with a sjambok causing and open wound which bled.... before they left, we were informed that it was their intention to return later that night, at which time we could expect a sound beating."
- Eugene Vusi Dlamini in August 1985 was arrested by about 20 policemen at is home at 6 a.m. whilst he was getting ready for school… His mother said that a man who was hooded pointed out to Eugene. His mother was told to shut up and that Eugene was being arrested under the Section 29 of the ISA(detention for the purposes of interrogation), and detainees under this section can be held indefinitely until they had answered their questions satisfactorily.
A week later Mrs. Dlamini, on September 3rd when he telephoned her from hospital, stated: "At first I did not realize that the person whom I was speaking to was [Eugene], because he appeared to speak with great difficulty and seemed to be under great stress" .... In my conversation with him, he advised me as follows:
(a) He was a patient at Shifa Hospital since Sunday 1 September 1985;
(b) He had been injured as a result of having been severely assaulted by the police from the time that he arrived at C. R. Swart Square Police Station;
(c) He had been assaulted at various times at the Security Police premises and that , as a result, he was unable to hear properly in one ear, that his jaw bones were broken and that he suspected his forearms and skull were also broken;
(d) While he was at C. R. Swart Square the police interrogating him had given him wet blankets for use when he slept.
The Effects of Psychological Damage
70 percent of the children detainees have developed post-traumatic stress disorders and many of these children to date are particularly susceptible to anxiety disorders, depression, adjustment and behavior disorders and psychotic episodes… These children frequently display acute feelings of fear, guilt, isolation and depression upon their release. The isolation experienced in detention came home to roost and the released children expressed hopeless desolation in words that expressed a longing to die.
Some were unable to speak coherently and they seemed vacant and confused. Most of these kids were normal before their arrest, and from being beaten most of their time in detention, made to sleep with wet blankets, and made to sell-out their friends and family, they were filled with guilt and a sense of uncertainty, and mostly were now human cabbages. They were having acute fear of the police and this bordered on mental breakdown, and their road to physical and psychic trauma is still a very long and still unresolved one, up to today.
While these children were undergoing the terrifying and dehumanizing experience of detention, interrogation and torture, as detainees, they were physically incapable of enduring the treatment meted against them by the security forces. It is a fact that children in detention rarely or completely did not know their rights and were not capable of exercising them fully. So that, any provision to protect them, is unlikely to provide much protection from future abuse. Today they cannot adjust and pretty maladjusted to the "new South Africa" and are not getting any type of health, given their vast numbers.
To Be Continued.....
The Congress of South African Trade Unions(COSATU) was formed in November 1985 and became the largest union federation in South African history, with some 500,000 members, most of them Africans. In the climate of protest and violence sparked by the new constitution, COSATU was quickly drawn into joint political demonstrations. In a joint communique with the ANC in March 1986 COSATU stated: There was a common understanding that ... lasting solutions can only emerge from the national liberation movement, headed by the ANC, and the entire democratic forces of our country of which COSATU is an important and integral part.
On February 24, 1988, the apartheid regime effectively banned United Democratic Front(UDF) and 16 other organizations, and they also prohibited COSATU from any political activities. In 990 Chief Gatsha Buthelezi declared the Inkatha organization a non-racial political Party. Inkatha was made up of a membership of 1.9 million, and the vast majority of its members were Zulus.
Buthelezi as a student was member of the ANC, but in the 1970s encountered criticism form the Black Consciousness Movement leaders because he partly criticized ANC's armed struggle philosophy but agreed with the ANC's traditions and aims. In the 1980s his bellicose criticism of student's popular campaigns drew criticism from the then ANC president, Oliver Tambo, who declared that Buthelezi had emerged on the side of the enemy against the people.
On February 2, 1990, the South African State President, Frederick Willem de Klerk lifted a 30-year ban on the African National Congress(ANC). In a speech to parliament in Cape Town he declared that, 'the season of violence was over, and that the time for reconstruction and reconciliation has arrived[Christopher Wren] Shortly thereafter, de Klerk freed Mandela after 28 years in jail, and he also dismantled the State Security Council which had formulated major policy decisions and strengthened the Cabinet, shifting power to civilian officials.
In January 1990 de Klerk ordered the security forces to act in a non-political manner. Two months later he ordered a landmark investigation into an incident where police shot 84 protestors in the back. In June 1990, he lifted the national state of emergency except in Natal. South Africa seemed to be changing at last.
Yet in July and August 1990, some seven months after the end of violence was announced, African townships around Johannesburg erupted in warfare. In one horrendous incident that occurred on September 13, 1990, 26 were killed and at least 100 injured in an attack in a commuter train between Johannesburg and Soweto. Bodies were strewn along a five mile stretch of track, and it was the third terrorist-style attack of that week. By the end of 1990, more than 1,000 people had died in that area.(Alister Sparks)
According to a report by the Institute of Race Relations(SAIRR) on November 19, 1990, ten people were being killed everyday in South Africa in political violence. SAIRR called 1990 by far the grimmest ever because in the first ten months, 3,038 people died in political violence. The total number of deaths from 1984 to October 31, 1990, was 8,577.
The SAIRR claimed that the conflict with the African community continued to be the main source of casualties. The SAIRR provided information that in 1989 there were 1,400 people killed in Natal. In 1990, in just the areas around Durban in Natal, more than 1,000 were killed. In areas near Johannesburg, the death toll for the period from July 1990 to the year's end was 1000.
These statistics do not necessarily reveal the magnitude of the tragedy. John Aitchison wrote: "Behind these statistics lie people who live and die, who have holes made in them by 137 knife thrusts, who are burnt to death, who are blasted by shotgun blasts, who go to lawyers and appear in court as witnesses and are gunned down by people they testified against ... people who are interviewed by journalists, then detained and interrogated by policemen."
This part of the hub was written to show that the violence, orchestrated by the security forces against the ANC and Inkatha and the military security forces from 1986 to the mid 1990s. Those who were killed in this murderous rampage were both children and their parents. It is also important to note that the ANC is also responsible for the murder of Africans when Thabo Mbeki denied that HIV/AIDs was responsible for so many death in South Africa.
The parents of many of these children have died in droves, that UNESCO has pointed out that about 5 million children will be parent-less and homeless by the year 2015. The children of South Africa have not received any respite from the death-throes that the African population is facing. This is one saga that still continues. The years from 1986 saw many children and their parents killed without any pause-those were the most deadly and vicious times in South Africa.
Today, many children are suffering from AIDS, poverty, different diseases, poor education and still, the new government, with its corrupt cabal, ignores and suppresses the power and powerless African children and the African majority. The Struggle continues and the story is going to be continued....
Witnesses to Torture, Detention, Violence and Killings
Due to the responses to this article, I feel obligated to expand on certain themes presented above. To reiterate, this article was written as corrective means and measure in putting African history in perspective from the African point of view. This was done in order that the installments that are going to follow this article, of which two have already been written on the Health and Mental states of Africans, these, in combination and in tandem, will inform on key periods of Apartheid rule and its atrocities, which have been deliberately wiped-off the historical mind of both Africans and Whites who would rather forget that this has happened, to the African Peoples.
What is interesting is that the respondents to this article have been White people of every stripe. This is good because most of them have never pointed out to the fact that they have gone back to those Townships whose residents they have tortured and decimated and left shattered, and these Townships full of 30 year or plus old people who are really destroyed forever; and, some of those responding to this article are not able to disprove the fact that what happened in the time period from 1985 onwards never happened. It did!
Those who were witnesses to the torture of children, the children themselves and the African communities who are still nursing these young adults(who were children then) and are not fussing about it, except for the guilty perpetrators of these horrible acts, who dismiss this article, is only full of these victims who are willing to testify, as they have done above, to what happened to them. Witnesses to the torture has been told by those tortured, those who today are still suffering, and those in the unmarked graves in the Doornkop and Avalon Cemeteries and in Nancefield Cemeteries, which all tell a serious and ugly tale of those who were caught-up in those violent times, as they lay being buried there.
The graves are marked from 1976 all the way to 1994 are tell-tale signs of what took place in South Africa to the African people in South Africa. Africans in South Africa,today, are Primary sources of all that happened to them, and these stories have been made possible by them. It is easy, one should take it upon oneself and go and do research amongst the victims of the atrocities laid bare in this hub, in all the Townships and former Homelands dotting the South African landscape. In fact, I would like to add more to the narrative above as to what happened from 1986 to 1994, in a nutshell.
The Killings in South Africa From 1990 to 1994(A Summary)
On February 2, 1990, the then South African State President, Frederik Willem de Klerk, lifted a 30 year ban on the African National Congress(ANC). In a speech to parliament in Cape Town he declared: "The season of violence is over. The time for reconstruction and reconciliation has arrived."(Christopher Wren, "Foes of Apartheid Praise Moves but Urge More Reform by de Klerk,," New York Times , February 3, 1990).
Shortly after that, De Klerk freed ANC Deputy President Nelson Mandela after 28 years of imprisonment. Since assuming office on September 1989, de Klerk had dismantled the apparatus of the State Security Council, which had formulated major policy decisions, and strengthened the Cabinet, shifting power to civilian authorities. In January 1990, he ordered the security forces to act in a non-political manner.
Two months later, he ordered a landmark investigation into an incident where police shot 84 protestors in the back. In June 1990, he lifted the National State of Emergency except in Natal. Up to that point, South Africa seemed to be changing at last.
Yet, in July and August 1990, some seven months after the end of violence was announced, African Townships around Johannesburg erupted in warfare. In one horrendous incident that occurred on September 13, 26 were killed and at least 100 injured in an attack on a commuter train between Johannesburg(Gauteng) and Soweto. Bodies were strewn along five mile stretch of track.
It was the third terrorist-style attack that week(Alister Sparks, "South Africans Massacred Abroad Train," The Washington Post , September 14, 1990) By the end of 1990, more than 1,000 had died in that area. People in the Townships relate these events with even much clarity and recollection because it is they who were being affected by these callous acts of groups orchestrated by the Security Forces in collusion with the Apartheid State.
In the forth-coming Hub I am going to write about these issues, I will be dealing much more in-depth on this era and effectively examine how the Apartheid State had discharged its responsibilities impartially to protect the rights of all citizens and expose ways in which it has been responsible for violating Human Rights.
The Hub will be specifically addressing the behavior of security forces — principally the South African Police(SAP), the Kwa-Zulu Police(ZP) and the South African Defense Forces(SADF) - and the response of the State authorities when notified of abuses by those forces.
The primary informants and those who will be telling about the Killings in South Africa from 1990 to 1994 and beyond will be the African people themselves. There is abundant evidence that the Apartheid State was implicated in the violence that was dubbed"Black on Black" violence. The bias of the State security forces, who have either intervened or failed to intervene on a selective basis, fueled the conflict.
Despite the pressure for reform from some elements in the State, the Apartheid government failed to deal effectively with the violence and the behavior of the security forces during the 1990s onwards. While the reasons for the actions of the security forces and government officials are complex, one of the most obvious factors that was frequently overlooked by the Press and by Political commentators, i.e., the Inkatha movement led by Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi held government power in Kwazulu "Homeland"(Afrikaner government creation), and had at its direct disposal an arm of the South African State - namely, the KwaZulu Police, has been very disastrous to African people.
The other major party to the conflict, the ANC and a constellation of organizations affiliated with it, and was only legalized in February 1990, following three decades of underground operations and severe state repression. Inkatha members held government office, while government agents imprisoned, tortured and executed ANC members. On these grounds alone, it is scarcely surprising that the organs of the state displayed some partiality between the two in that conflict of the 1990s, and this will be demonstrated in the Hub to be written on these issues.
In those days of the 1990s, the members of the government and the security forces opposed to negotiations with the African majority that they would have an interests in promoting such violence was easy to imagine and there are pictures of all those involved at present to solidify these assertions. This was the case because certainly a divided African population was less threatening to white domination than a united one. African conflict also encouraged White conservatives to pressure the government to halt Apartheid reform, justifying and calling for cautious and limited governmental approach.
In addition, it made Buthelezi to resist aspects of the Apartheid homelands scheme, but more dependent upon the Apartheid State support as he battled the ANC.(John Aitchison, "Can the Torture of Natal ever be Ended?" Natal Witness Echo, August 23, 1980). To add, de Klerk's visit to Washington in September 1990 took place during the height of the Transvaal Killings, yet they were barely acknowledged by officials in the Bush administration.
The hub above was an introduction to the atrocities committed on African people by the rulers of Apartheid and their security forces on African Children. This cannot be wished away, and no amount of threats and intimidation will hide the truth. The more attacks on the articles without even talking about the articles have given me the fortitude to continue on this path of unraveling the Apartheid Order and its Murderous ways when it ruled over the African people of South Africa; but, not only that, the effects and affects this has had on African people up to this day will be exposed and accurately narrated and delineated.
African people are so poor that they cannot even afford their own computers, let alone the exorbitant prices charged one to just use the Web. In some Township Internet Cafes, it cost up to R20.00 for 15 or 20 minutes to log on. The poverty-stricken African masses live on what is called 'quarters[Kota] and 'magwenya'(fat-cakes) and some other poor foods just to make it through the day, let alone going to pay in an Internet Cafe to read or log on into the new technologies.
The rich whites who have accumulated all the wealth through Apartheid slave labor and draconian laws can afford to buy their personal computers to log on easily, pay for their Internet services and attack and harass anyone who tells the truth about Apartheid, especially from an African perspective. This will not work, and in these times, the history of Africans under Apartheid will be told with the use of authentic pictures, and the reason for that is to record this as part of history and so that, when African people can have Internet for pittance, will be able to connect the Historical dots of their reality written from an African perspective, and for their own use and understanding.
That much, is what I will do in the next Hub on the Violence from the 1990s. The brutality through which African children have been subjected, doubled-up when their parents, relatives and community were under full-scale attack by the Apartheid government and its Security Forces in the 1990s onwards. These events happened, and there is an oral and written historical record which these Hubs are now collating into a coherent African Historical record.
Apartheid Violence in Hindsight
Given South Africa's peculiar history and legacy of Apartheid, ethnic diversity, poverty and isolation, nation building was never going to be easy. The transition to multiracial rule proved to be difficult and bloody. Whites battled to preserve some power and privilege, sharing crisis with Africans crisis of confidence about their future. It seemed that the birth of the new South African nation would be aborted by the pressures and dynamics of political transition.
Violence was pervasive, a dread which hung, and is still hanging over all races and lingered in every household as crime, political killings, police brutality and suicides filled morgues and hospitals. The economy slumped, entering it worst recession in 80 years, and the government reeled under a series of dirty tricks and scandals, financial and military. Whites suffered unusual hardships with almost a quarter of the five million population floundering below poverty line.
White right-wingers fiercely opposed the changes the leaders have been intending to implement. The African communities were tortured by rampant violence. Fierce fighting between ANC and Inkatha supporters claimed hundreds of lives. Police and soldiers, some conducting unofficial rearguard defense of Apartheid, added to the carnage. This really threatened the transition to democracy in South Africa seriously.
Violence is a fact of South African political and, economical and social life in South Africa and will remain so for several years to come. Apartheid was a violent system, and was violently imposed; and more violence is the legacy that Apartheid has been left to the new democracy of the present-day South Africa… There were charred bodies and hacked bodies of innocent children and adult African South Africans who were working for the betterment of their communities; some bodies were fond in the car trunks/boots that had been set alight. Some people who were apolitical were murdered in cold blood as they got caught-up in the mayhem of the violence of the day.
The death and fate of countless others that will never see the new South Africa, highlights the nightmare existence of millions of decent African people who were yearning for peace and security, yet they became victims of endless violence, crime and intimidation in the Townships. In the Townships, death and violence were and are somewhat still a heartbeat from home. There have been times when those families who survived woke up and surprised to find that their families had not been butchered.
But these problems could not be dismissed as ones that concerned only Africans. A culture of violence, in which killings crated vendettas that created more killings, took hold in this society, which has largely been the result of Apartheid, and had no democratic traditions to fall back on. The Apartheid era legitimized violence, both on the part of the government in securing power, and on the part of Africans resisting Apartheid.
In the wake of the unbanning of African liberation groups, this conflict moved to center stage, with open warfare between different political factions, the police, the South African Defense Force(SADF) and right-wing organizations. This violence interrupted progress in the negotiations for a future democratic South Africa, and nearly eroded a peaceful solution to the country's problems.
A fact that has been overlooked by many people, and especially by whites in the heavily fortified homes, is that reports of the death of Apartheid have been greatly exaggerated. Terrible deprivation continues to exist outside the comfortable white suburbs. Although many apartheid laws have been repealed, the lot of most African South Africans will and are still remaining in an unchanged social reality and existence, and will continue to do so for many years to come.
Most Africans will judge the progress of reform by what material benefits it brings them, and how speedily. It is very sad to say that after 16 years of ANC rule, this is far from being realized, and progress is painfully slow. As long as Africans are kept poor by an economy built for and maintained by whites, and as long as they are degraded by white attitudes, fostered by decades of official racialism, Apartheid will live on. It will remain a mind-set and an inheritance of legalized inequality for many decades to come.
Truth And Lies
Let's Look At the !980s and Apartheid Rule
Propaganda: Truth Made Up Of Lies
After nearly 20 years of ANC's bungled rule of South Africa, it seems like the present misery and dysfunctional conditions that exist amongst the Africans of South Africa has been caused by the ANC. Well, in this Hub, specifically, I will seriously oppose that. What has really happened is that the history ofSouth Africa has been erased from the books, tapes and any media that reported what the Boers have really done to Africans in South Africa.
In fact, today, as one reads the Blogs emanating from South Africa and around the world, mostly written by the Boers, one can begin to doubt what Apartheid really did to the Africans of South Africa. The Boers, most of those who want the memory of their rule to be erased, have begun to feel very confident about their posts and contemporary writings about the murder of the Farm Boers, as if, what they did to Africans was nothing. Well, facts will bear me out.
Divide and Rule
South African Law sought to exploit African political rivalries in accordance to a
"Divide and Conquer" strategy, as reflected in, for example, the 1983 Constitution and the Homelands system. Government security forces had also pursued divide and rule tactics by manipulating conflict within the African community
Throughout the 1980s, state involvement prolonged and intensified conflicts between African groups by encouraging and exploiting vigilante violence. Groups of vigilantes in African urban townships, often of the older generation and resentful of the ANC-affiliated "comrade" control, have been armed and turned loose in "radical" areas. During numerous violent incidents, security forces had neglected to protect residents from attacks by vigilante groups; on occasion, they have assisted such group in their attacks.
One example of this occurred during the 1986 conflict at Crossroads squatter settlement, near Cape Town, where UDF(United Democratic Front) "Comrades" had gained a major foothold in part of the settlement. As part of the state's strategy to crush radical forces, the police organized raids and torched four shack settlements areas to the ground, killing hundreds and forcing 60,000 to flee while the securities stood by and watched. Such conflicts "justified" repressive crackdowns and the detention of local leaders. Without leadership, the conflicts deteriorated into cycles of rampant violence and revenge. The State usually inserted its own administrative structures into the vacuum left by the removal of radical street and area leaders(Alister Sparks)
In the 1980s, the Apartheid government began to recruit "instant" constables, or "Kitskonstables," from the unemployed African population, a practice not "dissimilar" to the vigilantes, which is how they regarded by the residents of Natal. Kitskonstabels were given a mere six weeks of training, issued weapons, and sent out to quell dissent in the townships often in areas other than their own.(Sparks)
Clearly the elements of ethnic loyalties, lack of resources, political competition, and the effects of Apartheid contributed to the violence. Poverty, lack of education and lack of employment opportunities among the African population helped to breed a culture of violence. According to 1980 figures, whites, who constituted 15.4% of the total population, received 64.9% of the total income earned in South Africa. Africans who were 73% of the population, earned only 24.9% of the total income for South Africa
Illiteracy figures for the same period demonstrate that for adults around 20 years or older, the illiteracy for Africans was nearly 30% while for Whites, less than 100%. State expenditure per pupil in 1983-4 was over 1,600 rand for White children,over 1,000 rand for Indian children, less than 600 rands for Colored children, and between 200 and 300 rands for African children(Francis Wilson)
Political tolerance is the exception in country where, historically, dissent had been met with repression . African South African children grew up witnessing or participating in brutal violence. Wilson concludes thus:
"Crime, alcoholism, boredom, frustration with bureaucratic red tape, and despair are ...under conditions of poverty, social dislocation and powerlessness...bitter fruit Policies of separate development, and-urbanization, forced removals, Bantu Education, the crushing of organizations, and, in more recent years(under Apartheid), destabilization have been responsible for increasing poverty amongst millions... Indeed, it is precisely this dimension of premeditation or deliberate policy in impoverishing people that makes poverty in South Africa different from that in so many other parts of the world."
So, we should just recap here that the violence against children was in effect implemented in many areas at different times and the state was as more repressive to these children, who today are maimed and injured, demented and hardly rehabilitated people of the 1980s state violence. The South African government's response to the unrest of the 1980s was a ruthless campaign to crush all opposition, to suppress dissenting voices and to hinder the news media's efforts to report what was happening. Like, for instance, in July 1985, a State of Emergency was declared in areas affected by the unrests, and it remained in place for almost a year. And it is at this time, that the Hub above addresses and shows the pictures as a result of that, that, if today, we hear and read what the Boers say about the ANC, we should also remember the violence that was visited not only on the elderly people of the 1970s to the 1990s by Apartheid, and that those people, today, as this Hub is being updated, have had to live with the horrible and nightmarish memories of the Apartheid rule.We would not forget.
The truth should never be hidden and lies should not be allowed to be highlighted as facts. The truth will help to free us and lies incarcerate us forever.
Humans Are Foreigners All Around the Planet - What?
Let Us Look At the State Of The African Victims Of Apartheid Today Under ANC Rule
Time has passed, and we are now into the 21 years rule of the ANC, and things are not getting any better. What was supposed to be seen and received as Freedom, has turned into an imploding and exploding social nightmare, that has long been in the making. The problems today, as the Irish would say, the "Troubles," that we are seeing and witnessing now, today in south African, has many facets to it. I cannot cover all the aspects that have given rise to this social miasma, but the few I can garner and glean onto, will suffice for the purposes of this Hub.
There is a dire need to put things into perspective, no matter what it takes and how long it will be before these facts can be brought to light. The world has some form of amnesia when it comes to what has really happened in South Africa under Apartheid, and what is happening, and how these things complement and play-up on each other in a constant dance of destruction. A lot of people poof-pooh such Hubs and mind-sets, as one harkening to a period and time when all what I have discussed above, is no more happening or not relevant today. Well, let's see how the facts and reality stack up by talking briefly about the generation above and that of today.
There is a very sad thing that is happening here in Mzantsi whereby, a whole army of African people is borderline crazy. Meaning, emerging from Apartheid, there never was time to rehabilitate and counsel/psycho-help our people come to grips with what has just happened. What is happening now, few know really what went before regarding our existence under Apartheid. Many holler and spurn any attempts to talk about what the Hub is about, above, because they fear the truth will be known. Many simply do not know anything about what we actually went through under and during Apartheid.
Many, who come from the north of South Africa, denigrate and talk down to the local Africans and tell them to their faces and in print media and the Internet that we are lazy, and our country is their country too. Many if not most of these newly arrived and audacious, very aggressive African people, are colluding with the Apartheidized economical structure, thereby forming a buffer between the Africans and the Boers, so that, in the end they are murdered in many ways for the past decade or so. When one reads above as to what happened to the Children of 1985, today they are the middle-aged and old men of the 2015 time frame.
These wounds I have graphically presented above, are still with us, and have never been healed. Many people, I reiterate, do not really know what we have just gone through from 1948, which was a carry-over of British segregated rule, and the enslavement of our people from 1652 to 1994. This is not to say that I am using this as an excuse for what is happening to foreign African people, but we are going to say what it is all about, before we can even talk about or go about trying to 'fix' it.
The error here lies with the elected leaders, who themselves, left the country as young boys, and they came back as old men, but who are behaving like young boys in the governance of South Africa. The lure of money, once winning the vote, has blinded the ANC rulers, that, even if they tried to implement some progressive programs, these pale in significance when compared to what they have done thus far. Some want to relieve their youthful days, and go about recruit all and sundry within their orbit and sphere of influence in the movement. This has resulted in nepotism, cronyism, favoritism, cabals and corruption that is bringing down the power of African people, and an organized Nation building with a sound Democracy.
The Hub is not just what happened in 1985 to the African children at the hands of their tormentors, but it is the after-effects that we are seeing today that is what is creating the implosion we are witnessing There is no other way around it: the effects and affects of what happened to the children of 1985, is the dysfunction we see today amongst the African people, exacerbated by the ANC ruling for a mere pittance. The lack of experience displayed by the ANC in its ruling of South Africa for the past 20+ years, cannot even be given a grade of failure - I will simply say, Disaster.
Many of our leaders from Exile, spent a lot of years in exile, until they were bailed out by the fighting masses, and International pressure and boycotts, that the rulers of Apartheid cut their loses and retreated, but still maintained power, especially economic power. This has been utilized intelligently by the Boers, and it is working against the disorganized Africans and they immature leaders, the ANNC, to the letter. The destabilization of Africans by the apartheid system was not a mere theory spun by some intellectual somewhere. No, it was not.
This was a deliberately, time consuming and heavily invested into machinations that we shall have to begin to unpack the history and the formation and how it was galvanized to put us in the position we are in today. Many of us will have to stop just taking materials from such Hub, and play intellectual, whilst not putting in the effort and time to do other researches in order we can have a sense of what we can or should do. Many do not want to invest time is such frivolities as reading books and looking for information. A lot of us, here in Mzantsi, are in hot pursuit of Money, fame, and power, by any means necessary. The sad thing is that only a paltry few of us have access to that loot which is stolen from the public coffers.
The mental state of the African people of South Africa needs to be considered in light of what I have written about above-which is 30 years ago that these events happened, and today, in 2015, we are seeing the effects of that, and this has been enabled by a dysfunctional government that the African people of South Africa Elected into power-four-plus years too many times, over a 20 year period. Nothing, still, up to date and as of writing of this Hub has been done to seriously and cogently/coherently address this created apartheid mindset and lives, etc into the being of the Africans of South Africa.
Again, this is not to excuse the murders mobs that are killing all foreign Africans from Mzantsi, and this is not right, and I do not condone it. In fact, I disavow my self from such actions for they are horrible and very disastrous for the Africans of Mzantsi. We are going to pay very hard for these actions, and the ANC does not give a rat's ass as to what the future means for such actions. They believe they will rule until "Jesus" comes, that's their mantra, and one heard it trumpeted a lot during the latest national elections tooted by the ANC followers.
Meanwhile the carnage that is taking place in our country does not abate, and it spreading throughout the land, the ANC is content that attention has shifted from them and their corruptive and disastrous ways, and temporarily focused and blamed on hooligans and barbarians who do not know any better.but the same Thugs, ash they are characterized, are the people of Mzantsi, and they are acting in a criminal way, but they are getting help from the officials in government, who can breath a bit, since the focus is on what is called Xenophobia.
This can be seen from the statement issued by Zwelithini, King of the Zulus:
“Most government leaders do not want to speak out on this matter because they are scared of losing votes….”
“As the king of the Zulu nation, I cannot tolerate a situation where we are being led by leaders with no views whatsoever. We are requesting those who come from outside to please go back to their countries….”
“The fact that there were countries that played a role in the country’s struggle for liberation should not be used as an excuse to create a situation where foreigners are allowed to inconvenience locals….” (Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini, 2015.)
Many have reacted in various ways to this statement. Many feel that this is a xenophobic utterance by the King of the Zulus. Taken to be xenophobia, it suits those that see it as such, and they have a right to their opinions and interpretation, and if it was to end there, then, that's where come across a Hub like mine, which does not attack foreigners for what they have done or not done; but, the Hub above looks intimately at the problems that we've had to deal with since we were under Apartheid, for 57 years, and as a proxy, for the past 20+, that the same passions that are invested in the xenophobia cries, should also be risen and cognizant be brought to bear in the killing of the children of 1985, for these, are the walking cadavers of the old men and their families that have never been given a chance to heal.
I am not an adherent nor admirer of the King, but her, too, is a lackey of the ANC, and they have used him to create this carnage, and behind the scene, they are concocting another ruse, whilst distracting attention away from themselves. This is important because the ANC, if they had tightened the borders, efficiently, if they had constructed a solid Immigration policy and management, the many millions of people who have poured into the country, would have been better managed and controlled, but, they did not do that preparation.
And then you get a knee-jerk reactionary statement from Zuma's son, who is hounded by claims of corruption, stealing the lightning from the majority, and pandering to Western military types, by stating:
“We [South Africa] are also unnecessarily accommodating illegal immigrants in this country.” He also stated, “You never know whether they [foreigners] are funding ISIS [Islamic State in Iraq and Syria] and al-Shabaab.”
What a careless and dangerous game these African elite are playing, and they are doing so so's to hide their pilfering of the public funds and many other indiscretions they are accused of being involved in. By making such dangerous utterances, they are endangering the very community I have described above, exposing them to all sorts of attack, for the generation above is ill-equipped with dealing matters of the nation, as an entity, and the ANC, is merely coasting along the wings of China and the US, to legitimize its rule through shady business deals and under-the-table payments, done in dark and smoky room, with liquor to go.
The Whites who control the economy have also used it to their advantage, giving menial and cheapest labor jobs to the Africans from north of south Africa, and side-lining the locals, who were dependent on these jobs under Apartheid, but now were going for s song.
Now let us acknowledge that xenophobia occurs in all parts of the world. For instance, reports reveal that in Germany “far-right extremists” carried out 162 attacks against asylum seekers and their houses in the year 2014.
Even in Australia, where that government has a zero tolerance stance on refugees, asylum seekers are referred to in derogatory terms such as “boat people” or “queue jumpers.” South Africans also use derogatory terms like “makwerekwere” to refer to African foreigners.
Nevertheless, the question at hand is whether in South Africa, xenophobia stems from an inherent resentment of foreigners solely on the basis that they are foreign.
This is unlikely, because incidents of xenophobia such as those that we are witnessing in Durban arguably occur predominantly within the lower socio-economic bracket where there is a scarcity of resources and opportunities.
On the other hand, could it be that xenophobia is inspired by basket of factors such as: poverty among South Africans, a lack of service delivery in South African communities, and inflammatory political populist scapegoating that is exemplified by the utterances of Goodwill Zwelithini and Edward Zuma?
Also, the Africans from north of South Africa are used as security strikebreakers against the locals. When the locals demonstrate, they find that their African brothers from the north of South Africa, do not join them, but take over the jobs the locals are striking against. There is some kernel of truth in what the King is saying, though should be taken with a tinge of salt; as for Zuma's son, that is an opportunist who is fanning the flames of hatred, which we see now spreading daily from city to cit, headed toward Johannesburg, and ultimately will be consumed in Soweto, the behemoth of a Ghetto, now termed suburb, south of the Downtown metropolis.
Whilst the ANC is involved in these shenanigans, they have conveniently forgotten, all the while, to build social structure to begin to heal the African populace and what has happened to Africans during the rule of Apartheid and demonstrated by the Hub above. They are expecting a traumatized people to act like a long free and independent people, when they have not yet even have had time to marinate what has happened to them during the rule of Apartheid. There are some bitter truth that shall have to be and are going to be addressed when it comes to what is happening to Africans from the north of South Africa, and the state of mind and souls of the Africans indigenous to Mzantsi.
This is what should be taking place today in South Africa-Healing and bringing about the material well-being of the people of South Africa, first, and then the rest can be considered later. But, with a government like the ANC in power, our people, in a debilitating mind set and state of mind and being, will continue to erupt, and the whole Rainbow coalition will implode, as it is exploding.
ANC Leaders, Literally Asleep On the Supposed Job Of Ruling The Country
We Retain The Right To Question The Going-Ons Here In The Land Of Our Ancestors
Historically, the compartmentalization of the colonial world has been systemically divided into a dichotomous milieu, befittingly placing one group superior over another. As a socially constructed phenomenon within the colonial world, alienation creates an undying paradigmatic Apartheid-based realism. In a similar vein, “Apartheid is simply one form of the division into compartments of the colonial world…the world of the dominator, guarded by the army and the police.”
Fanon embarked on a mission to de-pathologize the Third World peoples who were trapped in this world of colonialism, while simultaneously, attempting to politicize those oppressed. In this respect, Fanon’s rationality of counter-memory enhanced his capacity to think critically and dialectically formulated a commitment, dedication, and responsibility to facilitate dialogue, discourse, and spaces to build capacities to revolutionize the psyche of the “wretched of the earth.”
According to Judith Butler’s book Violence, Nonviolence: Sartre on Fanon,“Fanon’s work gives the European man a chance to know himself, and so's to engage in that pursuit of self-knowledge, based upon an examination of his shared practices, that is proper to the philosophical foundations of human life.”In other words, Fanon wants the European colonizer, the European elite, to see his complicity in systemic violence inflicted upon the colonized.(Bobby Seals)
If we are going to ask the question then,"Whither Mzantsi?" We are going to have to begin from the beginning to try and furnish answers to this question. It is where are we going, we African people of South Africa. Our struggle is many-fold and it is on a very broad front. We have still got to understand our geography and typography.
We still need to gather intelligence on these matter such as which people live where, and what is the typography of those places. How are the people settled, and how many vehicle roads lead to these places, and what are the dirt roads going there; what other exists and so forth, footpaths that are used by those people in those areas? What is the constitution of the population, where do they get their water and food from; what are the agricultural areas that are in those parts of the country, the mountains, and what type of mountains, rivers, and so forth?
There is so much to be learned, culled and collated as intelligence for our people, that we have yet still to begin to work along these lines, collectively. Then, there's the economic reality of our country-of our people, as the original peoples of this country still own, only, 13% of the land, and the rest is owned by the former Apartheid colonizers, and the rest is parceled is parceled to International monied interests, and so forth.
We do not own the coal, the gold, the diamonds, steel and other natural resources of our own land. If we are involved in these enterprises in our land, we are workers, employed by the Gold, mining diamond, steel and other natural resources in the land of our fathers. We do not control these. We do not have an army of people doing metallurgy, manufacturing guns, and the like. No. We only have workers in these factory's, which when the mega-profits are made, these owners shut down the factories, retrench workers, and move back overseas, and our people are left jobless and unemployed.
Our economic reality is sub-par, and very few of us own large tracts of land to farm effectively as a nation for the people and consumers of South Africa. We have large and big corporations that are not in our control. Nobody respects Africans of South African and everyone has an opinion about us and for us-We are not even supposed to say what it is we think, like nor dislike, lest we be called and told that we are Xenophobic. Let me interrogate this false assumption below.
Ways Of Talking About And Understanding So-Called Xenophobia
Looking At The African Staring Back At Us In Our African Mirror
Saying It Like It Is- Views From the Underground Bottom Of The Economic Ladder Armies Of The Poor Africans Of Mzantsi(S.A.)
No amount of personal wealth, athletic skill or intellectual achievement will help any African man escape the contempt Westerners reserve for all, of any race whatever, who belong to groups which have become less powerful than their own. To regain our dignity, we must make it impossible for any group to ever again trample upon us. We must confront their intention to do so with a power they can neither trample upon nor ignore. (Chinweizu)
And Here In Mzantsi, The Boers, To Date, Still Tell Us And Write That We Are Foreigners In Our Own Indigenous Land... They Claim That We Arrived Here In This Part Of The Continent When They Landed In The Cape. They also Add That The Rightful Owners of South Africa(Mzantsi) Are The Khoi And The San, whom, according to the Boers, were Killed In Droves By The Xhosas.
Yet, This Could Not be farther from the truth, and the Khoi, in their Cave paintings, Show the Boers Killing Them, not the Xhosas. Before we begin Calling other people's actions in some unsavory names, it is about time we begin to talk about the situation and conditions of African people of South Africa here In South Africa. What is happening is that We, the people of Mzantsi, still need to put into focus and context, i.e., what our plight is, and why we are called 'Foreigners' in our land and what are the effects and affects of this, Historically, culturally, economically and otherwise.
There is not excusing our Killing of the Other Africans from north of the country of South Africa. It is wrong and I condemn it. But, in the struggle that is contemporary-here in Mzantsi, there is lot more and there are many issues that we are going to have to talk about; the state of mind of the Africans of South Africa.
By the way, Apartheid was supposed to have been over, just like that, in 1992, when Mandela and us, it is presumed, went back to a normally functioning people, and immediately we voted the ANC into Power. As for what happened to us since 1948 to 1992, few of the many people just arrived after that into South Africa really know what happened to us, and what has that done to us-to date. I think no one cares.
We have never even have had a chance to "Heal" ourselves from the harangue and vicissitudes of oppression visited upon us by the Goons and murderous Death Squads and Prisons, and streets of The Ghettoes, cities, rural areas of South Africa by the Apartheid regime. We were, all of a sudden, "Allowed" to vote, and then, "Boom!", just like that, Apartheid disappeared, like a mist when the Sun comes out, and nothing has been done, after that-and we are accused of blaming everything on Apartheid that is happening to us today.
One thing for sure and certain, Apartheid happened on us and to us, and we built South Africa to be what a lot of people see today as a developed Country. We lost our lives, bodies, souls, and spirits, families, societies, cultures, history and so forth, with our labor which was exploited to the hilt as Slave labor under Apartheid, and we lived in Concentration camps, with high Lamps to light places like Soweto, and we were controlled and monitored Daily by thugs like BOSS, INS and so forth. Every Boer was a cop and soldier, and we paid dearly for it-with everything we had in our decrepit existence.
After our quisling turncoats brothers took office, they told us that now we are free, it was now everyone for themselves, and that we are going to have pull ourselves with our own bootstraps. We were hardly a year removed from Apartheidom, and now we were facing a new oppressor: The Gendarme African Elite with its opportunistic vulturistic tendencies of a Capitalism of a sort, taking over power, so to speak, here in South Africa. Meanwhile, as they take power, we were and still are the powerless victims and employed at the whim of Apartheid, and poorer than church-mouses. We still are at the bottom of the pile in the economy of our country-today.
We are, today, the hewers of wood and carriers of water for others, and we are now being ridiculed and mocked for this condition we still exist in-to date. Many who have come into our country and found the cheapest labor, as afforded to them and created for them by the Boers, now see us as lazy/indolent; unintelligent; Stupid, and they even go to the extent of taking our culture, music,(this can be seen on YoTube as to who posts Most South African Music, and the comments therein, do not relate to Africans here in Mzantsi, but to some people elsewhere, as if we do not exist).
To many people who have just come to South Africa, there is no respect, for they all, those who are not of South Africa, try and exploit our culture and talk to us about "Ubuntu/Botho, to sway and obfuscate our own judgment, by making us guilty, if they are dissatisfied with our dealing/living with them, and tell us we lack that Ubuntu/Botho; meanwhile, others hawk this term and are making million off our culture, language and so forth. Meanwhile, we have not yet even recovered from the dubbing by the Apartheid regime.
No, Ubuntu does not come before everything else within our own African culture in South Africa. "Respect"-Hlompho/Inhlonipho is foremost and the fulcrum of our culture. Everyone who is not of Mzantsi, have their own cultures, traditions, customs, languages, and so forth that are particular and specific to themselves. It is about time all these people, north of South Africa, began to understand our culture, history, customs, traditions, not told by White writers and historians, but as told by us, from an African centered perspective-is what we are saying and telling them it is all about-any everyone needs to begin to pay attention to us when we speak.
Whenever we go to another country, we do not abuse their women, their kindness, and their generosity to our own ends. Whenever anyone comes to South Africa, even if they think we are lazy, stupid, unprogressive, that we have no skills, I would simply say: why not take a pause and ask oneself why is South Africa so well-developed, with highways and byways, and all the huge cities and glitz of Cape Town, Johannesburg and so forth, apparent and there for all to see.
Well, above, I have already noted that we, the Africans of Mzantsi, were forced into hostels, for the mines and The Soweto's, built as dormitory's for slave labor for White Businesses in Downtown Johannesburg; places like District Six, and other bad locations[Homelands] for Africans to have their labor freely and deeply exploited by the Boers.
Yes, this is not important, what I am saying, for no one is listening to us nor cares to-our opinion and stories do not matter, because, all say, South Africa is a Free Country. Well, until we say so, it is not.
Therefore I say, if you do not know our African history and story here in Mzantsi, and you only know it as told by our detractors and White oppressor, then, I do not care who you are, you really do not know the African people of South Africa. 'Respect' of others goes a long way.
People come into our land, disregard us, and exploit the gaps and fissures caused by Apartheid on us, become what they deem better, of and about themselves, and many things they could not do in their own places of origin, and then, turn around and tell us that we are useless, lazy, and whenever it suits them, they just pack their monies and bags, head back to their lands, and leave us here, the African community, with their children, and other woes, and then, when I speak as I am speaking, I am hateful of Others. No!
I am speaking because I have a right to do so. I talk with my eye on African people of South Africa, who are today, killing other Africans from north of Africa. Well, I condemn the killings, and I think our people should stop and pay attention as to what we are doing. We all know, we of Mzantsi, that we have problems with the 'mental state' of so many people in our midst. What has happened to us, let no one dismiss or dispute for we can tell them about our own personal Apartheid experiences better. Many of us have died because of Apartheid, Drugs, alcohol, terrible diseases, and are still going through this mess-daily-to date.
Our education system is worse than the Bantu Education we fought against in 1976. We have had struggles of the 1980s to the 90s against apartheid, and amongst ourselves. We are still in a war-footing, albeit for nefarious reasons-it's been hi-jacked, and yet, today, it is still a struggle for, us, Africans of Mzantsi, our struggle never ended, and it might not come in a way as all revolutions might have happened in Africa, but it is nigh. The Apartheid condition of 1948 to 1992, has been exacerbated and made even more worse by the ruling ANC. We have to call a spake a spade, and not an implement for digging the ground.
I do contend that the present social malaise that we are witnessing, and is spreading, from 1998 to date, many people North Of South Africa have been attacked ceaselessly and mercilessly by our own bothers throughout South Africa, that, this should be seriously taken into account. We are going to have to be accountable, as a people to what we have been doing to people coming from north of South Africa. We are all, as South Africans, going to have to tell whomever it is why we did what we have done: Kill the children, women and destroy the properties of the people who have come north of South Africa. This is unconscionable.
Having said so, as we shall have to account for our vices and follies, we are going to have provide a narrative of our own, as to what it is that is and has been going on amongst us and with us, since before and after the coming back into the land of the ANC. A lot took place, and this is not merely a happenstance. This whole dysfunction and our decrepit existence, today, has to be addressed too.
As the cited piece above by Chinweizu which served as an opener to this talk, I still maintain that. 'respect,' is the foremost important factor or the Culture of Africans in Mzantsi. And until the back-issues have been resolved for the African people in south Africa, nothing is going to stop this carnage, which is bad for African people in south Africa, and the world-over.
It does not matter to me whether people choose to believe what I have written above. What matters for me is that we should stress the parameters of our own indigenous history, customs, cultures of South Africa, and make sure people begin to realize and recognize it, as we will be telling it to anyone willing to listen, from an African centered perspective. And this needs to be respected and acknowledged, too, by all and sundry who are not of South Africa, but are now here in South Africa.
All those who are collaborating with the past Apartheid system, and choosing to ignore or deride the Africans of Mzantsi, there is going to be some unsurmountable problems that will come to the fore, and these will only be resolved if anyone not of South Africa, begins to respect, recognize and acknowledge that we are the owners of this land, and we have a culture, custom, traditions and so forth that we need to resuscitate, and we still have to deal with our Apartheid hangover reality. That is our reality, and no ones. And in the final analysis, no matter how long it takes, everyone is going to have to deal with the Africans of south Africa, respect us and acknowledge what we say.
It does not matter to me whether people choose to believe what I have written above. What matter for me is that we should stress the parameters of our own indigenous culture of South Africa, and make sure people begin to realize and recognize it as we will be telling it to anyone willing to listen, form an African centered perspective. And this needs to be respected and acknowledged by all and sundry who are not of South Africa. We are here, have been here, and are going nowhere, soon nor fast.
If people come into South Africa, from the North of south Africa, and immerse themselves into the economy of Mzantsi, they should be made aware that they are in fact propping up the Apartheid machine, for that's what they found in our land, many of them are acting like the very Boers, to the local Africans, since they own the stores, the way the Boers treated us, many are doing so.
You find some in our yards, opening up Tuck Shops(Sphaza) and wrecking havoc in the communities, selling outdated food, and unhealthy, cheap, in many respects, affect and effecting the generally poor and still languishing in the Apartheid era African milieu-bringing in drugs and other forms of bad things, this too will come to the fore once people start listening to us and what we are saying to them about our conditions.
So that, the story and the narrative we are going to have to present to the world is the one before the ANC took Power, and what has happened ever since to the African people of South Africa. This is one story that still needs to be told and put into its proper perspectives, and must be told by us, Africans of South Africa. Many people come to these apartheid built universities, from all over the world, get their degrees, and then tell us, we Africans, that we are lazy, and do not want to learn, and in the process, they are not even taught by us-neither listen to us, we Africans here in Mzantsi.
Their White professors tell them about us, and they buy this the crap, and come back to us and spill the garbage, about us, to us, in our faces as told to them by their Apartheid handlers, and they still, many of them do not get it, just because they end up getting second rate jobs, or are made bosses over the local Africans, and they now see themselves as better than the Africans in South Africa.
This is True! It is happening! And if anyone cares to know more about it, come to our Townships and we will show-and-tell about all What I am writing about above.
Yes, come to our country, get jobs and education, criticize us, and say whatever you think you can say about the Africans of Mzantsi, at the same time, these people are going to have to face some of us. I have not yet even touched upon the stories and histories of many of these countries north of South Africa. That, I will fully do in another time and space/place.
For now, all those who have come to South Africa, and have been doing some of the things I have noted above-and casting aspersion about a whole people, that I think it is about time we talked sharp with one another. All what is happening now to the people who come from north of south Africa, it has its origins, and it is about time many of them took a back seat and listened to us, as the African people indigenous to this land, tell it like it is. And we demand respect and acknowledgement, to all and sundry who are not of the land of South Africa. If anyone want to comment about what I have said so far, they are welcome, and I will field their concerns, fully.
What I have said above about the fact that we have been told timex that South Africa is not our country, and we came when the Boers were Trekking Up north into the Cape and Transvaal and Natal, we too were migrating from the north Of Africa and coming down to south Africa… This view, has bound/found a lot of believable and popular expression and venting over the years, and even today it is still dominating in many blogs on the Net.
Some other ethnic groups believe this, and now of late we have also been told that we cannot claim to being Africans, because everyone else is, and this does not exclusively belong to us the indigenous of South Africa. Many have even told us, I have noted, that the land of south Africa is their land too! A lot of people are crowing and bemoaning the fact that borders should be removed. I reject all emphatically, and say, people have to develop their nations first before we can even talk about removing borders.
We here in South Africa need to do a lot of healing for our own people here in South Africa, and I insist upon this premise without making excuses to anyone and for anyone, and through anyone. South African Africans need to come to grips with what has happened to us under Apartheid, and how this is affecting and effecting us after 20+ years of ANC rule.
Are we better-off or worse off under the apartheid rule, or the ANC is just an extension of that rule, from the days of Vorster's "Petty Apartheid" thingy, to this sham called the Rainbow nations? Or is it, the ANC, exploiting Apartheid, opportunistically using the old modus operandi, but apartheid Still-saying that we are free and they are ruling over us? Whiter South Africa? Some of us will talk straight about this matter, no matter who says what.
I welcome all objections to this article, and will field, "All" responses appropriately and fully. The murdering of Africans in South Africa is Wrong On All Levels, and it must be condemned. I do condemn it, and I say to my African Brothers, Let's begin to heal our own African people of South Africa first, and then we can have a pow-wow with all and sundry from a united and cogently coherent perspective and reality-As the people and Nation of Mzantsi. Not all of us Africans here in Mzantsi are involved with the carnage that is taking place now in Mzantsi, and we are saying too, have a voice in this fracas.
Some will call us the silent "Germans," for we are of the Africans of South Africa. We take the accusations in stride, but we respond in kind, we have immediate and pressing problems in our midst, and they did not just begin since the ANC came in to sell-out power. These have been intense and very personal, for us, as the African people of South Africa. Some of us are not silent and ignoring what has been and is still happening. In our midst, we call for calm and dialogue, amongst, us the people of South Africa-and to begin to heal ourselves first. I think it behooves and will help the Africans from north of South Africa to recognize and acknowledge if not respect this about us and our condition.
Mzantsi: South Africa-On The Cusp A Civil War Footing
Our Kindness To Everyone Has Be Taken For Our Weakness
Writing this Hub has been very hard for me to do. On one hand we have the Africans of South Africa decrying their deplorable and decrepit existences in their land of birth; on the other hand there are too many forces who feel entitled to robbing our land of its natural resources, land and people. There are many forces who have already asserted that South Africa belongs to them, and as for us locals, we are just part of the nature of South Africa: Like all the animals and trees and our traditional clothing and music, we are not people, but nature that is prevalent in South Africa.
We still have to come to a Codesa with our former Apartheid rulers and begin the healing process. This is still far from being achieved, and we have as yet to take those tentative steps. There are people who are refugees and economic seekers in our land, for these I say, it is the Apartheid economy that they have come to prop-up, agreeing to becoming slaves of the economic bosses of South Africa, for a mere pittance, and pretend, to us, Africans here in Mzantsi, that they are better-off and hard workers, whereas, we are caricatured as being indolent, and unimaginative and good-for-nothings: Apartheid did treat us the same way.
Meanwhile, they exploit the division that has been created amongst us by the former Apartheid rulers, reinforced today by the ANC, to marry our sisters, who do so from a poverty stand-point, and these guys become citizens, by marrying our sisters, and in the end they dump these women and the children they have with them, and bring their wives from their own countries.
Yet, today, not all of us are killing the people from the north-of-South Africa , instead, our people are shielding some of these people, and yet, we, Africans, are painted with one brush in one swoop, that we are all xenophobic and are suffering from Afrophobia and such like colorful names, that I say, I will write about us, the people of south Africa, and anyone of our detractors, who cares to read, will delve deeper into my rumination about the state of our society and mind of the Africans of South Africa.
We are the owners of South Africa, and as I have pointed out, we build it with our everything, and ended up with nothing as an African entity. The transition from Apartheid to South Africa, was one big lie touted as if we are building a Rainbow nation. We do not solicit pity from anyone as to what we have just gone through prior to the past 20+ years of ANC. This is a very critical period for anyone to begin to understand what has happened to us as they see us today. The country is open, and we are seeing all these kinds of people, and welcomed them in our homes and yards. Some even got married to our women, and others have booming businesses we support. But in the end of it all, our Kindness has been taken for a Weakness. What I am saying, time for everyone, including Africans of South Africa, to begin to listen to us, Africans of Mzantsi talk and put all things into their proper perspectives.
It does not matter how long it takes for us to come to grips with what has happened to us and how we finally resolve this nightmare, but in the end, we will call the shots. The rats, turncoats and quislings will have to pay, if it is not done by our generation, I will darn make sure that they are indicted by the future generation of children of Mzantsi by putting all Online. I will chronicle our plight till I ca no longer see nor write. Ours is an ongoing struggle that world would soon forget about because is so raw and recent. This did not happen during the times of Hitler, but in our present life-time. And now, we are 'expected' to behave ourselves and be normal, and we have suffered this slavery since 1652! And in about 20 years, we need to be normal.
In those 20+ years I am talking about above, we, the Africans of Mzantsi have had no respite. We were unable to catch our breadths, or mull over what has just happened to us that one day we ended up voting our own people into power. We have not even had time to "Heal" as a people and begin to cobble together our nation in our own image, culture, customs, traditions and the whole bit. By the Time the ANC came around, we had not even recovered from the being ravaged by the Death squads who were running rampant in our land.
I have written Hubs to show how this organization by the Boers was orchestrated and executed to be what we are seeing today. The creation of Joint management Centers which were coordinating the Final Onslaught against us Africans here in Mzantsi, and we were subjected to out-and-out Total War Embedded in the Total Strategy Doctrine, which was long set afoot, with ten year interims to see it come to fruition, but the Apartheid Master. They mustered all their forces and, power, and manpower to set this into motion. And you find many of us Africans, today, waxing political and do not have an inkling as to what I am even talking about.
Well, what we see today, did not just happen out of thin air. There has been a deliberate strategy set-up to finally defeat us, and using the quislings amongst our midst, as in the case of the ANC, to carry out these objectives. The ANC is using the Green Paper and White Paper Playbook to rule over us. Go back into the history of Parliament under Apartheid, it is surprising that one will find that the way the ANC is running South Africa, is how the Boers ruled Apartheid, in an it parliamentarian pomp and circumstances.
So, before we can even start talking about Xenophobia this or that, we better get a better handle of the story and history of African people in Mzantsi under apartheid, first… Before we can venture into the name calling thingy, we shall have to also begin studying and talking about the history of these people who have claimed to have helped South African in Exile.
Well, will all those who are from Exile speak up on this , issue. What happened to yawl in those lands where you were kept in Camps, and had your movements restricted? It would be interesting to receive any response from the South African readers[from Exile] on this one issue, and I would gladly accept it and answer the person who will tell us about the condition and lives of African South Africans in Exile.
Xenophobia, no.. This is also wrong on many level. Our people killing Africans is wrong, and yet, if one were to look at it, the number of Africans from north of South Africa has increased to upwards of 10+ million people and growing. And yet today, they have the gall to yell and scream at us as being xenophobic.
Well, if that is the case, I would suggest to these folks to leave South Africa and go back to their countries. I bet any one of the, none want to leave, and yet they show no respect towards us the Original people of the land, and now we are the ones, after 20+ of them doing whatever they want, who are Xenophobic! Balderdash! In each and every country, one who is a foreigner has to abide by the rules and laws, customs and culture of that nation, otherwise the world will be in Chaos.
Yet, for us, in south Africa, we are expected to yield and say nothing when everything is wrong in the land of our birth. We do not have to really apologize to anyone for anything. All countries in the World have their own wars against foreigners, and in south Africa it took an ugly turn. But to say that the Whole country of African people in SouthAfrica is really stretching it, and it is that I deal with-head-on-and will argue with anyone to the ends of the world about that false Xenophobic assertion against us, which is now proliferating in the Internet, and we, of Mzantsi, are biding our time, and will respond in kind.
Ours, is an ongoing struggle with no respite since 1948, and we say so knowing very well what we are talking about. There are no do-gooders in this present conflict or massacre we are seeing in Mzantsi.
The blame is on the ANC, and they have created a monster which they thought will strengthen their hold on power, by relaxing many laws for foreigners, and also accepting them and giving them citizenship even if they knew it was bogus, in order to counter their losses of votes, by making citizens pf foreigners, to beef-up their numbers.
This is backfiring for the polity is not interested in hearing anything about the fact that foreigners are now South Africans, whilst we suffer in the process and are ignored by our own government. The ANC is to be Fully blamed for all this chaos.
As I have noted elsewhere above, we have a very serious problem in our hands here in Mzantsi, and this time, I will like to make the world aware that we are talking about how to recoup our lost heritage, culture, tradition, power and you name it to be now at the bottom of the pile of our economy, in our land.
There are many shenanigans that are and have if not still transpiring from what the ruling ANC has or not done. Most of the things are in shambles, and even those who are apolitical, decry the fact that our country has gone to the Dogs. And it is that realization that is sparking most of the carnage we see, being let-loose on innocent children and women of the people from north of Africa. Well, we are going to have to deal with that issue when the time and facts are collated to meet such a discourse and narrative.
If the great popular masses are without a more critical understanding of how society functions, it is not because they are naturally incapable of it — to my view — but on account of the precarious conditions in which they live and strive, where they are "forbidden to know."
Thus, the way out is of ideological propaganda and political "sloganeering," as the mechanist say it is, but the critical effort through which men and women take themselves in hand and become the agents of curiosity, become investigators, become subjects in an ongoing process of quest for the revelation of the "why" of things and facts.
Hence, in the area of adult literacy, for example, I have long found myself insisting on what I call a "reading" of the world and reading of the word. Not a reading of the word alone, nor a reading only of the world, but both together, in a dialectical solidarity.
I must make it clear, however, that, consistently with the dialectical position in which I place myself, in terms of which I perceive relations among "world-consciousness-practice-theory-reading-of-the-world-reading-of-the-word context-text," the reading of the world cannot be the reading made by academicians and imposed on the popular classes.
Nor can such a reading be reduced to a complacent exercise by educators in which, in token of respect for popular culture, they fall silent before the "knowledge of living experience" and adapt themselves to it.
"The dialectical, democratic position implies, on the contrary, the 'intervention' of the intellectual as an indispensable condition of his or her task. Nor do I see any betrayal of democracy here. Democracy is betrayed when contradicted by authoritarian attitudes and practices.
"It is in this sense that I insist once more on the imperative need of the progressive educator to familiarize herself/himself with the syntax and semantics of the popular groups — to understand how those persons do their reading of the world, to perceive that "craftiness" of theirs is so indispensable to the culture of a resistance that is the process of formation, without which they cannot defend themselves from the violence with they are subjected"
One read from Chinweizu that"
"The weakness of the Nation is neither at the level of the highest state official nor at the level of the peasants of the Bush, nor even with the skilled worker; it is at the level of the lower intermediary civil servants, many of whom are not yet decolonized, these who are still not yet aware of the fact that independence requires an increased effort of work, discipline and also, politeness."
In fact, this is what has been also happening in Mzantsi, as Freire writes about what Senghor said:
"The living standard of our government employees should be higher than that of our peasants, but we cannot do less than fix a relationship between the living levels of our quasi-classes. As the peasants' standard of living rises, in the same proportion, we would raise that of government employees and salaried workers in private employment."
Now, Chinweizu continues to add:
These strange loyalties of our petite bourgeoisie ought not perhaps to surprise us, for a comparative study of their position and function shows that they are indeed modern counterparts of the slaving oligarchies of the past.
There are many startling similarities between them. The choice that African rulers once had to make, given the European insistence on obtaining African slaves, was between slaving or having themselves enslaved by their neighbors. At the risk of civil war, some tried to resist that choice. All failed. All eventually plunged into slaving to avid enslavement or for profit.
"The choice before the African oligarchies in this era of neocolonialism , though superficially different, is fundamentally the same: be agents of imperialism or be overthrown by others willing to do so. And in the service of Europe their functions have been quite similar. In exchange for European goods and slaving equipment, oligarchies of old provided manpower to wrk the plantations and mines of the Americas for the benefit of Europe.
"Like their slaving predecessors, the oligarchs of neocolonial Africa, in exchange for consumer goods and impoverishing aid of various sorts, now provide men to work African plantations and mines to supply Europe and America with minerals and agricultural products.
"By helping Europe to depopulate and impoverish Africa, the slaving oligarchies, when compared to the rest of their populations, all did very well for themselves. Today, by helping Europe to cart off Africa's resources, the neocolonial oligarchies are also doing well for themselves.
"And in former times, the pattern of the Europe-African connection imposes upon Africa a general and progressive impoverishment. The visibly growing riches of the oligarchies, then a s now, constitute no evidence counter to this trend. If anything, it is a symptom of that decay, a bloating that hides the undernourishment of the land. Then, as now, the paltry material gains accruing to Africa from the disadvantageous Euro-African connection want exclusively to support the local power and stagnation of a few. For the overwhelming majority of Africans, no general improvement resulted in their day-to-day lives or in their national power.
"True, Kingdoms rose and fell with shifts in the avenues of the slave trade, but local improvement so of this sort did nothing to alter the general decay. An Ashanti or a Dahomey might replace an Oyo; a Bonny, a Brass, or an Eko might rise in the decayed shadow of a Benin; but what difference did that make to the overall power of Africa? "A class of ants was still a class of ants, counting for little or nothing in a world of fattening elephants." Today, a Zaire, and Ivory Coast or a Nigeria, may replace a Ghana in riches and importance. But, we all still remain impoverished neocolonial countries.
"Now, when it is realized that the rulers of the sixteenth-century Africa started out with genuine political and economical independence, and with a much narrower disparity in strength between them and the agents of feudal Europe when it is realized that they failed in their efforts to control or stop Europe's interference in Africa, and when it is realized that Africa's autonomous rulers of the nineteenth-century failed to stop Europe's final assault on Africa, Africans today must wonder how good are their chances are of avoiding reconquest, in any of its many forms and disguises, if the West should attempt it on Africa.
"In the light of the promise of anti colonialism and of this disappointing reality, it is hard to avoid a sense of betrayal. Those to whom Africa expected to liberate her from the yoke of Europe, have instead chained her to that yoke, perhaps even more tightly, in exchange for crumbs of wealth and privilege."
This is precisely what we are experiencing here today in South Africa. The ANC, whilst in Exile, projected itself as a champion of the poor and equity was it modus operandi. Now that they came into power, they are content with just keeping the game, and bushiness as usual for their imperial masters, and the local billionaires of South Africa. They have been parcelling our land to the highest bidders, and sold our struggle for the comfort of the parliamentary seats, and some modicum of power as 'allowed' by their Deep Pocketed handlers.
They are very good at doing what their doing, that, when things were beginning to come to a head, many of them the corrupt leaders and their Sons, cooked up this whole murderous fracas on the Africans north of South Africa. They just threw the spanner in the spokes wheel of protest all over the country, and have managed to find respite, for themselves from the attacks from the poor, and the media focus is now on Xenophobia-that, the whole African population of South Africa is hateful against their brothers north of their country of Mzantsi…
With all this taking place in south Africa, the ANC has still not resolved nor tried to help the whole slew, nation of Africans, heal from the pangs and pains/wounds afflicted on us by the rule of Apartheid. Instead, they have worsened the situation, and now arrogant, rule with impunity, and are emptying the public coffers to suit their present life-style of opulence. Chinweizu captures the essence of this truism across Africa, and I focus it directly onto South Africa. We have been had, as the poor of South Africa, we have been bamboozled, misled and made chumps, on top of it all.
Nothing has been done for the people and for their benefit by the government we have been re-electing four times in 20 years-to date.
LUCKY DUBE - Mickey Mouse Freedom
Let's Look A Bit At The Copy-Cat ANC, Today
I have just touched upon the present state of the youth and children in my last paragraphs above. In this section, instead of focusing exclusively on the Apartheid regime as I have done in the first half of the Hub, I am now going to direct and invest my focus on the Killing of Contemporary Youth in South Africa under the ANC.
Before I delve into the main topic of this part of the article as to how children and Youth are being killed-off by the ANC, I would like to cite an article I penned and posted on the social media about the ANC in order to give the reader a sense and fill in-in the gaps I have not yet as have touched upon in this Hub.
ANC: A Poor Copy Of the Apartheid Regime...
In 1954, Verwoerd said:
"The general aims of Bantu Education Act is to transform education for natives into Bantu Education. A Bantu pupil must obtain knowledge, skills, attitudes which will be useful and advantageous to him and at the same time beneficial to his community …
"The school must equip him to meet the demand which the economic life in South Africa will impose on him... There is no place for him [the Bantu] in the European community above the level of certain forms of labor....
"For that reason, it is of no avail for him to receive a training which has as its aim absorption in the European community. ... Until now he has been subject to a school system which drew him away for his own community and misled him by showing him the green pastures of European society in which he is not allowed to graze. What is the use of teaching a bantu child mathematics when it cannot use it in practice? ...
"That is absurd. Education is not after all something that hangs up in the air. Education must train and teach people in accordance with the opportunities in life. ... It is therefore necessary that "native" education should be controlled in such a way that it should be in accordance with the policy of the State."
What has changed here? The more things change, the worse they are and remain the same. Verwoerd was at least telling us what he wants for Africans as a Master. The ANC wants to march with the students… Say What?
How do they march against themselves as a government? This is obfuscation, and government agents and fakers sowing confusion to all and sundry. The fees must indeed Fall... In fact... Erased and the state bear the costs, and education must bee 'free for all' who want to be educated... But... This will take time… For sure...
Jose Marti once noted when he talked about education:
"Popular Education does not mean education of the poorer classes exclusively, but rather that all classes in the nation, tantamount to saying the people-be well educated. Just as there is no reason why the rich are educated and not the poor, what reason is there for the poor to be educated and not the rich. They are all the same.
"The happiest nation is the one whose sons/daughters have the best education, both in instruction of thought and the direction of feelings. An instructed people loves work and knows how to derive profit from it. A virtuous people will live a happier and richer life than another that is filled with vices, and will better defend itself from all attacks.
"Every man when he arrives upon this earth has a right to be educated, and then , in payment, the duty to contribute to the education of others.
"The best way to 'defend our rights is to know them well'-in so doing one has faith and strength; every nation will be unhappy in proportion to how poorly educated are its inhabitants.
""A Nation Of Educated Men Will Always Be Nation Of Free Men". Education is the only means of being saved from slavery.
"A Nation Enslaved To Men Of Another Nation Is As repugnant As Being Enslaved To The Men Of One's Own". (Written in 1878)
I thought the last line is much more relevant right now. It is important to begin to realize that this struggle is and should not be for the University students only, but for the massive armies of the poor under the present quisling regime that rules us.
What Verwoerd said, is being carried out by the ANC to the letter, in the process of their undoing our poor peoples, that their joining the marches against the government that they are… This is disingenuous and bogus support...
This present struggle, should incorporate all the students in South Africa, at all levels, and the community in the Townships should be seriously and heavily engaged and involved…
Zuma just announced that there will be no increase in the fees… But those active now should remember, it is just a lull, and this issue will soon be revisited, again... Mark my words... Students should not celebrate and rejoice, but be even more vigilant… Zuma says that discussion will be done to look at more 'broader' issues over a longer term...
Zuma simply said "there will be zero increase for '2016'".. And the students have not been addressed but got a press release… What a joke… The government is buying time… and I suspect worse is still coming... Simply put... This is no panacea, nor is there one for all that is happening to us here in Mzantsi...
Like I said, commenting that the way this is going on, the ANC is truing to drag all issues under the rug, and business is going to go on as usual, the present government just wanted to quell the rising tide… Since it is bad for business and investment, 'yadi-yada-blah-blah'.... Nothing is resolved nor will be… not in the near future...
Our present government is a very poor caricature of its former Apartheid Masters...
Lucky Dube - Up With Hope -- Down With Dope...
Education And Us
Speaking Of African History...
If we have been talking about Apartheidized murder of Youth and Kids, it is also important to present a balanced view of the murder and elimination of children by the ANC Vulture capitalist of children and Youth.
On Pedagogy Of African Historiography: Learning About Us Learning About Ourselves As African People, From the Past, To Now Well Into The Future...
When it come to our education today in South Africa, we get caught up in the conundrum and doldrums of regurgitating what we have bee edumacated into, and this also depends where and by whom-but not by ourselves. But that is not the extent of the conundrum we face, what I find debilitating is the fact that many of us cannot think outside the box of our edumacation.
We follow protocol as foisted and instilled within us without question, and we would even lay our lives on the line, some of us, for there is no other enlightenment we know of, nor can contest against what we are now, into something new.
And yet, that which we need to do, is to create a new African Man, has been and is still with us; it is just that we have been indoctrinated to think as we cannot do that for ourselves, today.
We should re-think as to how we have been edumacated. We think like students of Oxford/Cambridge, Harvard and other elite Western Ivy leaguers and some mediocre college and universities. Some of us use theorists that were never known nor are recognized by our people, as a whole, things like Marxism, Capitalists Intellectuals and so forth.
In fact, since the advent of the Social Media, many are seeing many of the African writers books showcased or displayed on some Walls, but they never bother to buy nor read them, but pretend that they do.
We have become lazy to read and get to know more than we have been educed to by our detractors, that this is the reason for me penning this piece.
Many of our African peoples have had the opportunities to be edumacated overseas, only for many of those who came back into Mzantsi, showing-off how much they are edumacated into ignorance, by gloating for those who will never go to these countries and acquire their type learning. We are seeing many of our brothers and sisters who have become good at displaying their edumacated statuses, and to the extent of even molding and changing their accents to those acquired overseas to those who will never be able to have the same opportunities as they had.
This is real, happening in our midst, and distortion issues about our own pedagogy of our own stories, and Ancient African History-continues unabated.
Ancient African History or should I say, African historiography is now a very broad and vast field. There are many researchers and writers in this field that to try and talk about, will not be enough on this page. I will take it piecemeal, just to show what we need to know, how to pay attention to historical details/data and begin to stitch and rewrite our own stories and histories without being influenced nor affected by the Western-type of education plaguing many of us today.
Some of us do not even realize, nor are they conscious of nor know that as individuals in our ailing economy, we are not becoming enlightened for our individual selves, Only.
If we are going to talk about Education, we can learn from many people around the world. But, this is not cited here for people to take and boast about to their FB or Blog Friends. We should take these advises like Jose above is doling out for us, and implement them; teach them to others by reaching onto them with such talk, lesson and so on.
This mind-set that I want this for myself only, is in fact what is setting us back as a people. We have shallow minded people who are going for 'accolades' without being helpful. We cannot keep on behaving as we have been indoctrinated and make that a normal scene and reality for our people.
It is African history we must now talk about in this last part of the section concerning Pedagogy Of/On African History. We need to really understand what it is about African historiography that holds the key to our freedom.
Many do not think-quite obviously, that their Western Education only prepared many of us to be servant of those whose schools we have attended and graduated from. Those who have not gone to school do not know any better.
If we have been educed by our detractors, we need not follow them in their way of inserting the confusion we see. If we know how to become educated, it really means we can learn some more new ways of educating ourselves as we see fit.
If we are to learn anything from Jose above, it is how are we going to implement and apply these ideas amongst and with our people who are facing an Educational Kamikazi's from the China and The US and Western Europe. Are we only going to be educed to being hapless voyeurs of our oppression, destruction of our culture and education System, from a President who really does not understand what they are doing, and the Vultures in government looking at the fiscal gain and end of our destruction: meaning-what gains they would be making in Chinafication of our people, and the commission they will receive for Mandarizing us here in Mzantsi.
Many of us only speak about/of African History, but do not really know, understand or have studied it in its depth and breadth. This means, what we read, must be applied and resonate with the African collective. What we write, and what our people read, they should be able to see themselves in the Historical narratives. We should not read to show-off our know-how, but be adept at using what we know to better our peoples understanding of themselves and their history/story.
Our people should not first of all see how and where we have been edumacated, but they should appreciate and access from our knowledge a better and much more clearer and authentic recognition of themselves, as being part of the Story, History and Narrative we are disseminating amongst them.
We cannot act like our indoctrinators, because that simply means we have learnt nothing, instead, have become conduits for an Education which has made us, its carriers and teachers, poor copies of our Masters and detractors. Clarke writes:
"There is a real crisis facing African educators. This crisis began a long time ago with things we did not understand. I think in reading about a scene of an African being forced on a slave ship, and he reached back and puts a handful of African Dirt(Soil) in his mouth. I think he understood more about education more than most of us understand.
"He understood the basis of a nation: land. Until we understand the land basis of education, and the nation basis of education, we will miss the point. Now, where we have to go looking at education is to what extent our approach to education went wrong; and to when we stopped being innovators and became imitators.
"In the nineteenth century, we began to be "those things most unlike ourselves." When we had the golden opportunity to set a new tone in education, we tried to be 'like' our oppressors, instead of setting a new basis for eduction.
In fact, true education has one purpose, one purpose alone, that is to train the student to be a handler of power - If nothing more than handling power over him and herself. Everything else is a waste of time."
I would like to briefly qualify what Clarke is saying here, for some people, when I cited this piece, misunderstood Clarke. What Clarke is saying is that, if we are going to formulate our own African-Centered education system, its intention should be to educate our children to handle power of our own land and people-not the way we seeing it, today, and I have pointed out above, to being edumacated by our detractors, in order for them to rule effectively over us, without being involved, but deploying us, their indoctrinated students. This we better understand clearly.
To this, Clarke adds:
"The basis of [African] education for a new reality[millennium], is to pull us out of this five-hundred year room[of colonial educational and total oppression of African people]. For us to understand what went wrong with our education, we are going to have to study and understand the 19th century. It is at this time/era that we produced the finest minds that we had seen since the decline of Egypt and Nile Valley Civilization.
"We produced rebels like Frederick Douglass and Martin Delany. This was the century where we saw the likes of great ministers like Henry Highland Garnet, whose motto was "resistance, Resistance, Resistance." This was a century when there was a search for Africa; the century of African women, sojourner of Truth and Harriet Tubman, etc... We will not orient ourselves in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries until we go back to the 19th century… above, I am just talking about the United States.
"Going back to the Caribbean Islands, we find there a century of physical resistance. Going back to South America, and Brazil, Africans brought into being two African nations. This is where Africans arriving from Africa by-passed the auction block, went into the hinterlands and formed an African nation. Palmares lasted for 110. Bahai lasted almost as long. Where dimensions of African continuity produced the most successful slave revolts in the history of the world, mostly in Jamaica.
When we look at Jamaica and Haiti, you will wonder why, if Jamaica fought longer and harder, why is it that Haiti brought off an Independent sate and Jamaica did not?
"Haiti fought over a shorter period with a greater degree of consistency. But when the Jamaicans fought, too much time lapsed between their revolutions and the British, who were able to destabilize them. But when you look at the leadership in the Caribbean today, every one of them can be written off as lost. But it should be remembered that the revolutions in the Caribbean brought about the stimulation for the massive slave revolts in the United States.
"We must always remember that Caribbean intellectuals never fared well at home in the Caribbean theater. Most of these minds left home and the best of these minds went to the United States. It started with Prince Hall, who travelled to Africa, along with Robert Campbell and Martin Delany searching for more broader view of African history.
Peter Ogden was one of the founders of the Odd Fellows. Prince Hall founded the Masons. And these minds could not functions in their place of birth, and still cannot function now. You can trace it two hundred years through Garvey and those who went back were killed, including Walter Rodney.
The greatest of these was Wilmot Blyden, who said this about education at Liberia College:
"We will have to work for many years to come. Not only without the popular support that we must have, but inadequate resources. ... We strive to be those things most unlike ourselves, no matter what talent we have, we feed the grist into other people's mills ... and, of course, nothing comes out except what has been put in. And that is our great sorrow."
"That was in 1818, more than one hundred years ago. It was not only ahead of that time, it's ahead of this time. We're still doing it. He was one of the finest voices for an African course in the 19th century.
"Africa in the 19th century had massive colonial revolts. This was the century when the African world face reality as it has never faced reality before. In the first half of that century, Africans began a physical revolt, this was when the Zulu Wars had started in Southern Africa; the Ashanti wars in Ghana had already begun; there were the Islamic wars in the Sudan; the Maji Maji wars in Tanganyika and neighboring territories; the Riff was in north Africa were already afoot. And the wars in Nigeria led by Ousmane Dan Folio had already started.
"These physical confrontations diminished as the slave trade turned into colonialism[another form of slavery], and the Africans also noticed the missionary efforts, and saw those too as a form of slavery. The Europeans began to destroy the African images of God.
One of the ways of enslaving Africans, was that, after they removed one set of chains and put the chains on them, is not only change your religion, but also make you change your dress and to laugh at your gods.
Once you change to their gods, their dress, their tastes, their music, their food, they do not need any prison walls after that. They've got prison walls more binding, because the prison wall is inside your mind."
Due to space, I will sum up this part of the article by stating that I had begun by pointing out to the futility of our education system. Clarke has put the meat on the bones and has given us an expanded history of the US, Caribbean and Africa-and in doing so, pointed to how we lost our initiative and our creative/inventive spirits and opted to be and try our darnest to be like our Masters.
Clarke shows/tells us that we had the initiative, but we let our guard down, and those who came before us in the 19th century did, is what most of us are doing, today, throughout Africa and the Diaspora-Aping our detractors.
Jose Marti advised us that: "An ignorant people can be deceived by superstition and become servile. An instructed people will always be strong and free. An ignorant man is on his way to becoming a beast, and a man instructed in knowledge and conscience is on his way to being a god. One must not hesitate to choose between a nation of gods and a nation of beasts.
"The best way to "defend our rights is to know them well"; in so doing one has faith and strength; every nation will be unhappy in proportion to how poorly educated are its inhabitants.
"A Nation Of Educated Men Will Always Be Nation Of Free Men". Education is the only means of being saved from slavery. "A Nation Enslaved To Men Of Another Nation Is As repugnant As Being Enslaved To The Men Of One's Own."
When it comes to learning and knowing and disseminating our narrative of African History, we had better be prepared to learn it very well; know it from its Antiquity antecedents, and the timeline throughout the millennia up to today, fully and very well.
We can all try our best to show how much we know, but, it is from our own ideas, learned African-centered selves that we will not be misled by many of our detractors, and their agents in our midst as an African collective.
No Man Is Free Who Is Not Master Of Himself....
Given the present deteriorating and poor state the poor of South African poor, it is important here to reiterate some points I had started working on up within this Hub. This is how I have encapsulated the present situation in South Africa under the ANC in the few past months since 2015.
The New ANC Broederbond... A Poor And Sad Copy Of Their Former Colonizers
One of the most disturbing problem is that we are still not yet talking about the African people of South Africa in a clear and bold way. We do overload our persona and over-inflate the political significance of what we are doing or not doing; of what our leaders are doing or not-and not doing. This is crucial, for we are now at the crossroads of totally losing our land.
As a people we are under siege from various point in our decrepit existence. We are not even in a position to see and acknowledge, and we look askance, conveniently to massage and cuddle our fragile and broken egos. Whilst the nation is crumbling, many of us are still seeking the glory of self-expression and mass recognition without really even doing much about it, except drop in on FB, and imagine that we have arrived.
We copy-cat so many nations, and we are even willing to forego our cultures, languages and customs, and begin to teach our child Mandarin: reading and writing it; Chinese history and philosophy, behind the ruse that we are doing it for business connection in the Future, with China, whose stock Market is crumbling, because it is based on Western Capitalists modals and models.
We are trying to get the Americans off our backs, and we are willingly sacrificing our own people just to be 'liked' by China. We are allowing the Chines to bring millions of Chinese instructors to teach our children how to become Chinese. We have a Mickey Mouse Circus of Parliamentarians, who are haggling with one another, and Western investment interests are backing off, the Rand is now R20 to one Pound; The Dollar is nearing $1 for R14.
We are lagging world-wide in job creation, and our health system is in shambles because we have hired, in all spheres of governance our relatives, friends and hangers-on-we glorify nepotism and cronyism; We wax apolitical about issues that do not help advance, teach nor empower our people, politically, economically and historically. We find people dissing reading and books, and giving credence to non-reading, nor what should be done to re-set our educational system.
Poverty is rife and people are really hungry, and food exorbitantly prohibitively expensive. We are all onlookers and spectators as our youth and communities are being decimated by designer drugs and multifarious disbursement of drugs in our communities. Many of us are now believing the bogus charge that we do not like Africans from North Africa, whereas, the other, a friend of mine, in a private hospital, was thrown out of the word, and denied a chance to eat her food, because the Nurse, from Nigeria, had discharged her, two days short of the agreed-upon discharge date between her Medicaid and the hospital.
For me to point out these things, in the country of my birth, I am labelled xenophobic. Well, what his means is this: I can do as I please in Botswana, as I see fit and when they counter my bad deeds and attitudes against them, I will call them xenophobic; go to Europe, France, where one will see pregnant African women dragged in the street and flung into the back of the police vans and deported, for being Africans in France; Germany is now taking in refugees, but it is throwing out Africans they regard as illegal-whilst being humanitarian to Hungarians, Syrians and so forth.
The abuse of women and children is appalling by any standards. And some of us use the mores, norms, values and standards they imbibe from TV(Which we do not control), Ads, talking point, lingua franca and western educated perspectives and perceptions to obfuscate our ignorance about ourselves, and the way we are looking down upon ourselves as a "Nation"(Still to be formed), and African people, amidst each other.
Lots of interpersonal jealousies, individual and group put downs, back-biting and rehashing a past that should inform the present, but many remain incarcerated in past that is not conducive to the conditions of African people's of Mzantsi; rough dismissal of each other's points of view, disregard of others miserable oppressed conditions, the immoral unhealthy attitudes of health-givers, our downright and dumb parliamentarians, acting out as buffoons in a system they inherited from their colonizers; ineffective so-called opposition parties gloating on personal issues with nothing getting done in parliament.
Many of us, talk about their 'self-achievements' as to how they pulled themselves up by their own bootstraps, whilst the armies of the poor around us do not have shoes nor boots on their feet. Our people have lost a lot of body mass and many are miserably unclad. Every vulture is gnawing at the skeleton of our post-Apartheid cadavers and smoothing our national bones clean-white.
Many of us live and act out Amnesia to all this social maladies that we are dealing with. If you can do and say things, I will say and do things even much better than you can. That does not matter. Many are trying to cough out sanguine smooth-macked pimp-like talk to the poor, and meanwhile wax academic, which is well and good. But that type of borrowed erudition does not erase nor eliminate our torrid conditions we as a people are existing in and coping with in this day and age in Mzantsi.
To put it bluntly, there are many enemies of the poor people of Mzantsi and people in other countries living the same conditions as we are facing today.
There are many reasons why we here in Mzantsi are in denial about the genocide facing us-and nature and role of our enemies.
"But who are these enemies of the people?
They are to be found both here at home and abroad. At this very moment, they are trembling, but you must expose them. You must drive them back into their holes. The enemies of the people here inside the country are all those who have illicitly taken advantage of their social position and their place in the bureaucracy to enrich themselves.
"By means of bribery, maneuvers, and forged documents they have become shareholders in different companies. They are now involved in financing business and obtaining approval for this or that enterprise — in guise of helping Upper Volta[In Our Case-Mzantsi]. These are the enemies of the people. they must be exposed. They must be combated. We will combat them with you.[How many of the ruling and private sector elite are willing to make such a commitment...?!?!]
"Who are the enemies of the people? They are that group of bourgeois who enrich themselves dishonestly through fraud and bribery, through the corruption of state officials, so that they can bring all kinds of products to Upper Volta(Mzantsi in our case), increasing the price tenfold. These are the enemies of the people. This section of the bourgeoisie must be fought against, and we will fight against it.
"Who are the enemies of the people? They are that group of men in politics who travel through the countryside exclusively at election time. These politicians are convinced that only they can make our country work. But we in our party are convinced that seven million political beings, of the seven million people in our population, are capable of leading this country(we believe in a motley crew becoming filthy rich, here in Mzantsi)... We should combat these enemies of our country, and we will combat them with you.
"The enemies of the people are likewise those who keep us in ignorance. Under the cover of spiritual guidance and tradition(With us, segregated politics), they exploit our people, instead of serving the real spiritual, , traditional, and social interests(Here in Mzantsi we are learning, albeit slowly that these are our downfall-and are really met by our elected officials)
"The enemies of the people are also beyond our borders. Their base is among the unpatriotic people here in our midst at every level of our society — civilian, military me, health fields, between men and women, old and young, in towns and country-sides. These enemies are from abroad — neocolonialism, imperialism — are among us.
"From its base among these stateless men, those who have rejected their homeland, who have rejected Upper Volta(Mzantsi, in our stead), who have, in fact, rejected the people of Upper Volta(we see it happening to us here in Mzantsi), this enemy abroad is organizing a series of attacks. These will come in two stages. First will come the non-violent, and then the violent stage.
"At this moment , we are living through the nonviolent stage. This enemy abroad — imperialism, neocolonialism — is attempting to sow confusion in the minds of the Voltaic people(People Of Mzantsi). According to their newspapers, radios, television[and Internet] Upper Volta(Mzantsi) is all fire and blood...
"Imperialism is everywhere, making us think like it, submit to it, and go along with its maneuvers by spreading its culture far and wide with the help of misinformation. We must bar the road to this imperialism.
"As I said, it will proceed to a violent stage. It is this imperialism that landed troops in certain countries we know. Imperialism armed those who are killing our brohters in South Africa(Today, those who were being killed by Imperialism, are now in cahoots with all its biddings and dictates).
"Imperialism again is the assassin of the Lumumbas, Cabrals, and Kwame Nkrumahs. They illicity say that we want to out nationalizations. Our people cannot understand and are not told how and why anyone, not of our nation, can come up and start an enterprise for which they've been granted [illicit and illegal] favors. — All kinds of tax exemptions — on the pretext of creating jobs and contributing to the economic development of the country, and then, after a certain number of years of the most brazen exploitation, announce personnel cuts.
"On what conditions wee you granted these favored? On the condition that you create jobs for the Voltaic(Mzantsi) people. Today, when you have squeezed the lemon dry, you want to throw it away. No! This time we say No! Our enemies say that we have proclaimed freedom of expression, and of the press, only to begin to restart this freedom.
I say, we know that many deals have been dealt and are still being worked on as of the writing of this piece. We do not know, as an African collective, how these deals are made and reached. We have no jobs, a significant percentage of our African people. Sankara points out: "In no way do we wish to put an end to freedom."
But we say that then freedom to criticize brings with it the freedom to protest. And freedom for honest men should not mean freedom for the dishonest.[We will take away] the freedoms of those who harm the people and leave them free to serve the people.
"We cannot allow the freedom to lie to and brainwash the collective consciousness of the Voltaic(Mzantsi) people. This would be to work against the interests of the masses of the African people."
We can take the high road oft trudged in matters such as these, or we just pause a bit, and listen to each other as we babble here on FB. There is much of what I have said that is printed and posted in various forms here on this FB social media, but there's nothing that is coming out of it.
Listening to the people in the streets is devastating.
Many decry the fact that they do not understand what is going on in our country; some point out that our country is lost, and we have lost it in the process; many state facts pointing out to the dysfunction that is the ANC; a lot of the poor state that if one is not ANC, nor if one does not pay obeisance to Zuma; or show that they are one of the ANC people, they are ostracized, and in many cases offed.
These are some of the talking points swirling in the realm and sphere of the dispossessed and poor. Many people may want to dispute this… but take a walk, off FB, and talk face-to-face with the masses, anywhere anytime, and the things I have said, will be heard more oft than not.
Wilson advices us that, "If we want to know why we behave the way we do, then, we must know our history; the unconscious mind must be made conscious.
"Consequently, when the European makes us unconscious of our own history, we not only become unconscious of our history as knowledge, we become unconscious of the sources of our behavior as persons and as a people; and our own behavior becomes a mystery. "Why do African-folks act like that?" We get discouraged. We give up. "We ain't gonna straighten them(i.e., African people) out man!" Because we can't figure it out.
This is what the ANC is using to divide and conquer its own polity and whole of the people in South Africa. If one were to read and study the history of the Broederbond, those who have, will understand why I sub-titled the piece that it is "A poor copy of its former Colonizers."
One thing the Afrikaner Breoederbonders achieved was efficiency and maximum positive output and gain for the Afrikaner people. The ANC is doing the exact opposite of that, with a lot of corrupted inefficiencies, corruption, no discipline fiscally, and lagging sadly behind in matters and philosophies and policies of governance.
We see them trying to gag the press and freedom of expression, and limited access to the Internet and FB posts. So far, they have managed to make the whole country and African Society and other ethnic group completely dysfunctional on many levels and in a myriad ways.
Biko penned "I write What I like".. I am pushing the idea of Saying It Like It Is. We are going nowhere fast, as a people. We are a lost nation, and there is yet to be some hope in the turbulent horizon lying ahead. It is going to take more than showing off our verbal gymnastic to ward of the genocide we are facing as a people. We are going to have to begin to put together some semblance of unity, by whatever means necessary... for the good of the African people of Mzantsi.
We know that the Nationalist Party consolidated power in South Africa under the auspices of the Broederbond-whose dictates were: The banning of Trade Unions; banning of mass political organizations; censorship of ideas; indoctrination through education; building of a massive armed machinery/in our cases, cadres and political ideologies; obedience to the Boer ideals and philosophy/ANC: adherence to its dictates and importance of belonging to the ANC for anything in life.
The ANC, like the Borederbond, has made the church , which was regarded as the bride of Christ, a servant of politics. This can be gleaned from their election mantra that 'the ANC will rule South Africa until Christ comes.'-among the declarations of the ruling Party in Zuma, just like Verwoerd was in the same cart if one recalls Verwoerd, when accused that he belonged to the Borederbond and that he must resign, retorted:
"Ones' membership of any organization does not necessarily mean that one is more loyal to that organization than to one's country. I deny that I cannot fulfill my duties as Prime Minister satisfactory as a result of my membership of this organization.
If people took some time and studied the power house that the Broederbond was behind the Apartheid regime, the present day government in South Africa want to behave, as a group, like the Broederbond, but the problem remains that this what brought them to power-the defeat of the ideas and wishes and plans of the Broederbond, of which they are trying to be sorry picture of, today in South Africa...
On November 14, 1931, an extra-ordinary Bondsraad, later to be known as the Economic Bondsraad, was held in Johannesburg. Up for discussion was the establishment of an Afrikaner commercial bank because the banks of the time exercised a power grip, especially over the farmers. So, after a series of investigations by various commissions, Volkskas (Kooperatief) Beperk, the first Afrikaans commercial bank, was established on April 3, 1934.
Now the capital of the Afrikaner could be mobilized to provide financial backing for Afrikaner business undertakings.
In 1938 the Broederbond capitalized on the enthusiasm generated by the Afrikaner Voortrekker centenary festival, to build on the economic interests of the Afrikaner. As a result, the Economic Volkskongres on October 3, 1939 was held in Bloemfontein.
One of the most important organizations to emerge from the conference was the Economic Institute. The Economic Institute gave birth to the Redingsdaadbond (RDB), an organization which raised funds to assist Afrikaners in economic difficulty, and also to assist with the financing of Afrikaans business undertakings.
By 1943, the RDB had more than 50,000 members across the country. The congress also led to the establishment of Federale Volksbeleggings Beperk (FVB), whose aim was to weld together in one company, a portion of Afrikaner capital and to make it available for the establishment or take-overs of commercial and industrial enterprises.
A lot happened thereafter, including the all-famous Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut, whose main objective was to promote the interests of Afrikaner businesses.
From this, it is clear that the Bond played a major role in the mobilization of Afrikaner capital and enterprise to start Afrikaner-owned companies from Ground Zero. Some of these companies can only be described as the country’s economic monuments employing thousands of people. These enterprises have turned some Afrikaner families and individuals into billionaires.
This context is significant. Just look around you and tell me what you see. What has happened to our elected African officials up to now? Go figure
Afrikaners mobilized Afrikaner capital to empower themselves and turn around the economic fortunes of a poor nation of people. Their drive and commitment carried them forward.
Everything is connected. You cannot invest without capital. We find out leaders siphoning-off billions form the public coffers and binge on their highway robbery success in various gloating manners and show-off ways to their poor brethren. We are most vicious, those of us who are the so-called elite, against our brothers, and lame when it comes to acceding our rights and material wealth to foreigners.
What springs forth, is that our present government really does not know what they are doing-neither anything about proper civil and ethical governance.
It is us, the poor of South Africa we should be teaching, assiduously, the citizens of South Africa their Bill Of Rights in free classes and very seriously. This is the least we can do as a people of smoothing what's doable that will help with itsy-bitsy steps towards Unity.
There are many way towards achieving Unity; there are many ways that should be utilized to achieve this Unity. I propose taking time out and teaching ourselves and out people our Bill Of Rights… That little, we can do....
We shall Have To begin Saving Our Money, Ourselves, For And With Our People...
It Is Us Africans Of Mzantsi Who Matter; It Is Us We Should Be talking To, About And With...
So, Where To Now Mzantsi?
What Is Going On Here In Our Country We Call Mzantsi... Hmmmm...?
Are We In Control Or Out Of Control? Di Ntshang? Zikhiphani for Ma-What? (What's Going On?)
Rumination About Our State Of Our Not Not -Yet-Developed-Developing African South African Nation...
Today, within the African milieu of Mzantsi, there's a paucity of serious dialogue by those who lead the discussion/talking points, and all those that Partake and end up Leading the nation groups, as individuals, but like a collective. Some call this socialism, others call it Communism… I call it National Community Communalism.
What is that? Well, one can harken back into our various 10 cultures of Mzantsi and cull from it common elements of behavior, actions, talks, languages, music, dances, clothing, culture, history, customs, traditions, sacred rites and practices, philosophy, psychology, sociology, and the whole human endeavor that we are part of on this earth-we will then begin the infant stutter-steps required to comprehensively control and work with our forlorn, destitute and under siege people to be sure we know what we are doing. Forming One Nation.
We have to begin somewhere down the time line of our existing in South Africa and think/act along these lines, and act as we think and know. There are no half measures or short-cuts here. Otherwise we might as well as all Shut Up and ditch the farce and attempt to keep on writing and posting the farcical inconsequential and pompous utterances which do nothing for us. I repeat this in another way: We better get down seriously.
In our present state and existence as the Africans of Mzantsi, there is this gnawing feeling that we have been invaded and are being pushed-out and some places occupied by non-indigenous African people, and when we utter whimpering cry about the fact that this is our country and land, are dismissed and put down by our African brothers.
This is a fact and it is going on as I am onto this piece above. What I am saying then is, I am not going to apologize to anyone when it comes to trying to cobble together our Country and Nation, and its people, in the Sobukwe sense of the meaning and reality/philosophy.
What's happening? I then ask. Di Ntshang? Zikhiphani For Ma What(What's Happening?) Why fore/Why-to-fore? This to me is interrogating our people's life, mental health, basic human rights and these Rights guaranteed under the Bill Of Rights Of South Africa-of which, many of our people do not know, but have a general sense about it-but as to what they mean-that still needs to be seen. We have to take ourselves seriously and care for each other in the Bikoan sense of creating a brave and new Human Face here in our country-amongst our African people.
Biko has said it best: "Ours is a Human Centered Culture-It Has Man At and As'In Its center." This is so true and relevantly correct and resonating with many of us, that it becomes easy to imbibe, digest, analyze and apply and make it real without any effort for our African people.
For instance, the Facebook Social Media is well adaptable to our cultural style and practice/orality, that we should by now be prolific in this medium in creating memes and zines that are from the ground up. Meaning, if you work amongst our people, you end up talking and acting like our people and you will only become relevant if what you say they can identify with and within oneself, own people, being themselves, and see them looking at themselves and you as important parts of what is being said about them/him/her-Nation.
This is a very sensitive and dangerous time in our country of Mzantsi, and we still have to talk to what is really taking place. We know that our aquifers are bing dried up throughout our country; our underground rivers are being redirected to the burgeoning coal mines along the Limpopo; the new minefields that are,desparately business need and dire need of water to develop are drying up our rivers.
We know that there is this fracking issue along the Karoo lands; insufficient housing for millions that are still dwelling in shacks and ramshackle corrugated iron structures that are freezers and fire hazards in the Winter; and are boiling ovens and water dredged in the rainy seasons. So that, whilst the hospitals are no more training competent nurses/too many agencies are fly-by-night training institutions; poorly equipped and badly untrained teacher: no more teachers college are built; we are in the rut.
This is a time when we see the real true gendarme element bare its creed. Meaning, we know that the government is useless for and to us. We have heard it in gossip-the type of yellow journalism that characterize our newspapers, with the macabre stories and Believe-it-Or-Not type of reportage, our information is serviced by this type of sensationalism, that in the end, it ends up as useless data. I have written extensively about the South African Press elsewhere, I will simply note that this is something we should be deciphering thoroughly by now, and knowing what we are dealing with.
Television is not worse for wear-Or maybe it is. I mean, it is the syndicated productions from America, who have already and installed infrastructure in South Africa to accommodate their splurging and entrenching their TV-style and American New Dissemination octopus that this too is one pressing thing we should be learning more about, understanding, and setting ourselves up to deal with it to suit our own needs and expectation.
Be that as it may be, our Culture is well-suited to maneuver and manipulate this modern Media and Modern Men/Women. Does this Mean becoming a poor copy of what our Masters are? No. It simply means we have the ability and capability to transform and morph as we see fit in today's techno society and environments.
We have our own narratives which we can work with, and these have an alluring effect and affect on our people, tremendously. I am more interested in the listening habits and media preferences of our people, their wanting to know what the programs are about. I know about those themes of the stories-My interest is to learn and work with our people in transforming present-day media int their own aesthetic holistic understanding of the content and media/medium.
So that, then, if we can configure the whole strata/sector and the whole Nation thingy thingamajig, I think we can begin to get used to thinking in real, coherent and revolutionary changing ways.
It is not enough to only rehash what happened in the June 1976 Revolution, but also we must know and see in ourselves and society what has this Revolution of June 16th 1976 has spawned in us, we will then know truly and surely that it was successful. But until then, if we are going to be like I am about to write about below, then, we are in serious trouble we the people of Mzantsi.
Ziikhipani For Ma What? (Say What? What's Happening)…
Our Township parlance is one way I think I have been particularly enamored with. It is a great shorthand and conceptualizing and discerning phenomena whatever it is. It is a suave way to speak and think, and the language itself is 21st century, and it is as old and different as the regions themselves throughout South Africa are. I am in the Region of Gauteng and in Soweto, and in my particular Hood, we have evolved an extensive and language system that is as urbane as any in any Metropolis around the world.
There are many amongst us who are averse to such palaver. I am not. I consider all African languages throughout South Africa to be a true reflection of the different regions we live in, and perceive no difference, as such with these. I only see diversity that has not been an addressed aggressively from an African centered and clearly informed perspective. I touch up on this, briefly, below.
Our own local motion and intonation and style is well-suited to any other in the world. It is what we are talking about and dealing that helps shape our consciousness, and make us efficiently erudite-at all times. We are just as well equipped and adapt/adept in our colloquialism and annunciation/pronunciation and fluently eloquent in our Township Slang that I find it very useful as tool of discourse and rapport amongst ourselves. I think that in talking the way our people speak, we become one with them, and we are on the same page with our People.
But this does not end there. It is a means through which we will have to apply ourselves to the decrepit given the conditions and our existential reality. Our education of ourselves and our people for one. This is still eluding our understanding as to what we are doing here and with our education-even long after June 16th 1976. Then there's the problem that we the people of Mzantsi have not really defined what and how we want our education to be.
This is tripping everything we might try to do. Our being educated in our own country, by other people either than us, where our education has been outsourced and in many cases in the hands of the Western Public relations officers and huge corporation-this is unconscionable. When we see the education we are fed today, the commercialization of our education, and in the process, you see the local jargon that we have 'Private Schools" or Model C School, and of course there are abandoned and forgotten Township School-Apartheidized Education Post Neo Colonialism-One comes to realize that we are in a serious mess
Josse Marti states:
'Popular Education does not mean education of the poorer classes exclusively, but rather that all classes in the nation, tantamount to saying the people-be well educated. Just as there is no reason why the rich are educated and not the poor, what reason is there for the poor to be educated and not the rich. They are all the same.'
This is what we African people fail to understand that we have the power of doing for our own education-Everything good and excellent. We do not have the necessary materials to be able to work on such matters. because at the forefront of everything we do: Money/Cash nexus is King.
But many of us are still hung up on the fact that our children will be better educated in these expensive suburban schools, when many of Soweto Kids are hauled in private cars and buses to be dropped at those schools into the White people's enclaves, to be edumacated, then, when they come out of the grist mill of those school factories, they serve no purpose to us. as an African people...
What we have conveniently forgotten is the fact that many of us no more want to do what Jose Marti talks about in short below:
"Every man when he arrives upon this earth has a right to be educated, and then , in payment, the duty to contribute to the education of others."
My thing, therefore, is that, Education as we should be applying and implementing it, should be decided by us as to what that type of activity will be for all and sundry. If we are going to choose the dictation of other people's aphorisms and their edumacating our African polity and collective to get certain ideas forward and forth, that is not a good thing among u, and we should be doing our own educating of ourselves, but that should be not the 'only' thing we should be doing. There are many things we should be doing to begin to cobble our education/nation, not what we are seeing being done to us African people of south South Africa: Dumbing Us Down.
Books are expensive. The Internet is very expensive and takes a lot of money out of the poor people's budgets and lines up the pocket if International Kapital.[Das Kapital]. It is now more harder to have a broader mass informed society, like we have an army of the captured poor being denied access to all things education and instruction, along with knowledge gathering. This is a tactic and technique we should be cognizant to by now
The whole system of education has been muddled and it is worse than it was during Apartheid. It is a well-known fact that the Fat-Cats in our midst take their children to even more exclusive school, overseas. They have been doing it for years. And now we have a cadre of children, now grown up, and are foreign to us their parents, societies and nation. Meanwhile, we have an army of youth schooled in dilapidated and poor schools
We should not be afraid to tell each other of our vices and follies-faults and foibles… But at least be honest enough to badly want per see some form of change in our life-time. Right now, everything is chaos in our midst, and we not do not have any coherent ideas/strategy as to What's To Be Done?(a la Lenin).Well, for us today, that is the conundrum. We all come to fore here on Social Media with various ideas but our own. That is a recipe for disasters, right there.
We can talk or wax about this or that overseas, but less of that and so on about ourselves here at home. It is because many of us want to be what we are not-we can only be what we create ourselves to be. There are many people in our Townships who think that they are Americans. This is very distracting and delaying our discovering ourselves fully. I have said this before… Yourself is a sure bet in tackling the vicissitude of life, unlike some phony-baloney of a misperceived and confused self.
We will never be Americans… Instead, we still have a lot in our plate to contend with and become Africans of South Africa-without apologizing to no one for saying so-nor copy cating anyone. In the same vein, Cultural Pride is no misdemeanor nor high crime anywhere on earth for present-day humans..
Since we are at it, thus far, it behooves me to remind all reading this that we are a people who are coping and recovering from the most devastating form of slavery and oppression known to man-to date. I do not have to digress in to that story and history, but lest it be forgotten, that there are other nations state that declare that they will not forget the heinous crimes committed on themMeanwhile, we, still today, are having to live with the raw reminders of our decrepit existence, now exacerbated by quislings and cutthroat vulture capitalist, who have melanin-like the majority of us.
Jose Marti Noted:
"An ignorant people can be deceived by superstition and become servile. An instructed people will always be strong and free. An ignorant man is on his way to becoming a beast, and a man instructed in knowledge and conscience is on his way to being a god. One must not hesitate to choose between a nation of gods and a nation of beasts.
"The best way to "defend our rights is to know them well"; in so doing one has faith and strength; every nation will be unhappy in proportion to how poorly educated are its inhabitants. "A Nation Of Educated Men Will Always Be A Nation Of Free Men". Education is the only means of being saved from slavery. "A Nation Enslaved To Men Of Another Nation Is As repugnant As Being Enslaved To The Men Of One's Own".
We cannot escape this truism above. We are all seeing this play out right in front of our own eyes with our present leaders. What Jose was talking about in 1878, was that, up to that time he wrote that, that was the real zeitgeist. From his times, those of Jose, to our present reality, we have not yet even realized this truth, and today in Mzantsi, we keep on electing those so-called leaders to rule over us and we end up fighting them timex. We paddling the stationary wheel to no end.
This gotta stop, and a more coherent and very focused efforts have to become implemented, anew.
How many times are we going to go through this democratic farce? Mmmmm? Are we going to repeat the oft seen scene without change of optics?
This is a wonderment on my part that we have come, again, towards celebrating an event that was transformative, June 16, 1976, and we are still in more or less the same situation, and the ANC has gone to lengths to call it "Youth Day"? What that? How semantics have been deployed here, has numbed us to obsolescence, to being disappeared... Genocide?
This might seem like some ruminations of someone sitting and pondering such issues. Well, some of us have to do just that. It is important we begin to put ourselves into proper African centered perspective… I have played around with some themes and ideas above. Due to the short space of the Facebook posting, I will summarize here by saying:
We have to begin to see a new way of seeing, thinking and acting/doing. We have the opportunity and ability to do the things we want to do, anytime, as a collective. But it begins somewhere in order to go anywhere or be anything. Reading and propagating each other on the Viral Soup is but one sure way to begin to splurge our meme and zines as we see fit.
I want to share this piece in closing:
Amilcar Cabral Writes:
'Unity and Struggle' ... Obviously, to study the basic meaning of this fairly simple principle we must know well what Unity is and What Struggle is. And we must put or treat the question of 'struggle in particular context, that is from the geographical viewpoint and bearing in mind and society — social and economic life, etc., — of the environment in which we want to apply this principle of Unity and Struggle.
"What is Unity? We can clearly take Unity in a sense which one might call static. for example,if we consider the entirety of bottles in the world, one bottle is a Unity. Daniel Barreto[Jabu Mkhwanazi] is a Unity. And so on. Is this the Unity we are interested in considering in our work when we speak to our people's cultural principles? Is it or is not. It is to the extent that we want to transform a varied entirety of persons into a well defined entirety seeking one path.
"And it is not because here we must not forget that within this entirety there are diverse elements. Rather, the meaning of Unity that we see in our principles is the following: whatever might be the existing differences, we must be one, an entirety, to achieve a given aim. This means that our principle, Unity, is taken in dynamic sense, in motion."
"You see a person coming along, for example, with a basket on her head, and the person usually sells fruits. You do not know what fruits are inside the basket, but say: here she comes with a basket of fruit. There might be orangesges, bananas, papayas, guavas, etc., inside the basket. But in our thinking, she is coming with an entirety which represents a Unity, one basket on her head, one basket of fruit.
"You know that it is a Unity, whether from the point of view of number: one basket of fruit; or of objective: sale. It is all one thing, even though there are various things inside: various fruits, mango, bananas, papayas, etc. But the fundamental question that is comment with fruit for sale makes it all into a single thing.
"That is to give you an idea of what Unity is and to tell you that the basic principle of Unity lies in the difference between the items.
So what is Unity for us? What is the objective around which we must make Unity in our land? Obviously we are not a football team, or a basket of fruit.
"We are people, or members of a people, who at a certain stage of their history, have taken a certain course on their path... have raised certain matters in their spirit and their life, have guided their action in certain direction, have put certain question and have sought answers.
"It might all have begun with one person alone, or two, or three, or six. At a certain stage this question appeared in our midst - Unity. And We, as a people, were able to be far-sighted, that is, understood this so well, that in its very theme their adopted as its main principle, as the base of everything, Unity And Struggle"
I would like to cite Cabral as much as possible, but in the final analysis, we are going to get very serious, and mull and ponder these critical issues and matters, very soon, if not Now… For Our Own Survival....
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